Gaza War Has Halted, but Not the Protests Against an Israeli Artist's Work in Oslo

Noa Eshkol's 'Mourning Carpet' from 1974 was inspired by the Israelis who died in a Palestinian terror attack that year. Opposition to the showing of the work lays bare the unique enmity toward Israel

Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/life/2025-11-09/ty-article-magazine/.premium/gaza-war-has-halted-but-not-the-protests-against-an-israeli-artists-work-in-oslo/0000019a-67e2-d0d0-a9db-67e7b8780000

The scene at Norway's National Museum a month ago was unusual, even for a protest in Oslo in a year of countless harsh demonstrations against Israel. In the "On the Barricades" room showing works with a political context, dozens of people sat on the floor and shouted "Remove the carpet!"

The participants, including artists and cultural figures, were protesting the showing of one of the works, 1974's "Mourning Carpet," a 174-by-160-centimeter (roughly 6-foot-by-5-foot) wall carpet by Israeli textile artist and choreographer Noa Eshkol. The piece features images of flowers in an array of colors. A YouTube video and media photos reveal the flavor of the protest. The chants filled the room, a Palestinian flag had been placed on the floor, and a few demonstrators wore kaffiyehs. Israel and Hamas' signing of a cease-fire agreement that day, October 9, didn't seem to register much.

A few days earlier an initiator of the protest, Norwegian artist Victor Lind, explained what was rousing the demonstrators' anger. "The National Museum has chosen to show a work that legitimizes the occupation of Palestine by the war criminal the State of Israel," he said in a panel discussion in Oslo in September. Lind also claimed that the work was "war propaganda" that legitimized genocide and fascism.

The call to remove Eshkol's work was also heard in letters, newspaper articles and social media posts; even employees of the museum joined in. But for now, the piece is still there and the museum hasn't voiced any intention to pull it. "The National Museum isn't supposed to be a political player," the museum's director, Ingrid Roynesdal, told Aftenposten, Norway's most popular daily. She added: "If we as a museum choose to become an active player in geopolitical debates, we're likely in the end to contribute to a narrowing of freedom of expression."

The demonstration at the museum joins a long list of protests and boycotts over the past two years against Israel and Israeli artists, scholars, athletes and businesses. But the battle surrounding Eshkol's work seems particularly strident. It reflects the depth of the crisis of Israel's international standing and the scale of the hatred for Israel in Europe, which goes far beyond opposition to the war in Gaza.

Noa Eshkol, "Mourning Carpet (Following the Massacre at the Ma'alot School). 
Credit: Jens Ziehe/Photographie/Neugerriemschneider Berlin

The story of the carpet begins with a national trauma in Israel. It was May 1974, slightly over six months since the Yom Kippur War and around two years since a string of terror attacks: the Munich Olympics massacre, the hijacking of a Sabena airliner that landed in Israel, and an assault at Israel's airport that killed 26 civilians. In May 1974, terrorists from the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine infiltrated from Lebanon into Israel.

Over two days, with rifles, hand grenades and explosives, the DFLP terrorists killed and wounded Israelis in a series of attacks, the worst being the abduction of 85 Safed high school students who were staying at a school in another northern town, Ma'alot.

The students, some of whose teachers fled the building as the terrorists entered, served as bargaining chips for the gunmen, who sought the release of Palestinian prisoners. During negotiations, the government played for time as it planned a commando raid. The results were tragic in what is now known as the Ma'alot massacre. The storming of the building ended with the death of more than two dozen people, most of them students.

Like many Israelis, Noa Eshkol was shocked by the attack. Eshkol, who was born in 1924, is known for Eshkol-Wachman movement notation. She and her student Avraham Wachman created a system of symbols for describing movement; for example, in choreography. The work "Mourning Carpet," whose full name is "Mourning Carpet (After the Ma'alot School Massacre)," was the artist's response to the terror attack.

"This is one of the hundreds of carpets that Noa created in the final decades of her life," says Mooky Dagan, a human rights activist, musician and art curator who manages Eshkol's estate and heads the foundation established in her name. Dagan, who was a close friend of Eshkol's, adds: "It's one of her only carpets that can be connected to a specific event. That's why it was important to me to add the parenthetical information to the title."

Dagan says Eshkol created several mourning carpets after the Yom Kippur War. Another carpet, which was sold to the Pompidou Center in Paris, is called "Leaving Yamit," referring to an Israeli town in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula, before it was uprooted in 1982 as part of the Egyptian-Israeli peace deal. "Another one was named after Golda Meir, but these are the exceptions connected to a specific event or person," Dagan says. "She created over 1,000 carpets."

Dagan sees the irony in the fact that the carpet in Oslo is stirring such controversy. "The incident in Ma'alot shook the foundations," he says. "It was an event with hostages including many children, it launched a debate on surrendering to terrorists or taking military action, and it shook the country. It became a formative event, and it's symbolic in light of what's happening today in Israel and in Gaza." Dagan says the protest in Oslo has been the toughest challenge when it comes to Eshkol's work being shown abroad. He says his friend never wanted to display her carpets at all.

On a few rare occasions, he was able to convince her otherwise, but the international breakthrough came after her death in 2007, when he says she became a brand name and a raft of museums acquired her works. Solo exhibitions of her art have been staged in Germany, the Netherlands, Brazil, Sweden, Norway and Israel, and her works have taken part in group exhibitions in many other countries. "In the last years of her life she was drawn to creating the carpets in a way that she herself couldn't explain," Dagan says. "It became the most important thing in her life."

Would you say that these are political works? It's true that she was the daughter of Israel's third prime minister, Levi Eshkol, a fact that wasn't officially mentioned in the protest but came up in some of the online debates. But can she be linked to a specific political viewpoint?

"I can't speak in her name, and it's absurd to speak for people after their death. But I was very close to her and we became close friends already after the Six-Day War. When it came to the carpets, I shared the process of creation with her intimately. Noa was a political person, but her viewpoint wasn't linked to a party and she didn't intervene in specific political issues. Even though her father was the prime minister, and even though she was born on Kibbutz Degania and was thoroughly Israeli, she was totally antiestablishment. That was the paradox in her. Even though she breathed her Israeli identity, she created movement notation, which is the most universal thing possible. Her worldview was universal; she stressed this and even refused to patent her movement notation, so that the whole world could use it."

Dagan describes Eshkol as a dominant personality with solid opinions and clear thinking. She wouldn't take anything for granted, hated clichés and lived as a feminist. Surrounded by students, she detested titles and rebelled against every framework and consensus. She didn't want to be a candidate for the Israel Prize and convinced her friend Uri Zohar to turn down the 1976 prize for film because it was granted by the government. "Her attitude, spiritually and practically, was that of a rebel," Dagan says.

Just because of the protest against her work in Oslo, it would be interesting to know if she had clear opinions about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

"I can definitely attest that she was a person with a worldview that's now called leftist. Even though she detested labels of this kind, above all she had a humanistic outlook. She wasn't an activist, but the current situation would have clearly driven her crazy. Until her death she had the worldview of a pure dove."

***

Hawk or dove, it makes no difference to the demonstrators against the National Museum in Oslo, which bought Eshkol's work in 2022. In May this year the work was hung in Room 76, the space reserved for political art. When the director was asked by the online contemporary art magazine Kunstkritikk why she chose it, she said the museum switches works in its rooms so that all the works can be better preserved.

"Room 76 is devoted to political art, mainly from 1965 to 1980," she said. "This work was chosen according to the regular procedures. The room displays a variety of artistic expressions and strategies, and tries to reflect the art of the period when the works were created."

Lind, the Norwegian artist, said about the storm after the decision to display "Mourning Carpet": "We all see pictures from Gaza every day of child-size white body bags, small white cloth sacks tied with rope at the top and bottom. He said in the panel discussion: "The genocide being perpetrated by Israel against the Palestinians is intolerable. Little children, like our children, are dying of starvation. A mother who has no more milk because she herself is suffering from malnutrition. She was shot in the stomach by Israeli soldiers while waiting in line for food. There's a smell of gas in Gaza. I'm sorry that the situation requires such harsh language."

Lind, 84, was among political artists identified with the radical left in the early '70s. He also created works commemorating the Holocaust of Norway's Jews. Regarding "Mourning Carpet," he said that "the National Museum's choice to show this work during the ongoing genocide in Gaza infuriates me because of its curating decisions with a viewpoint of supporting the Israeli narrative. … The work depicts the Israelis as the victims of Palestinian terror.

"'Mourning Carpet' commemorates the Israelis who were killed during the Palestinian revolt against the Israeli occupation. The work reflects Israel's official narrative of the Israel-Palestinian conflict from 1948 until today, a narrative that sees Israel as the main victim throughout." Lind's protest included a complaint about the removal of Norwegian works in favor of the Israeli work. "Mourning Carpet" is displayed alongside pieces by Norwegian artists, including Lind himself, whose work is "art in favor of freedom and against occupation and oppression," he said.

Geir Egil Bergjord, chairman of the Association of Norwegian Visual Artists, wrote in Aftenposten: "The museum's decision to show this work now, during what many consider a genocide in Gaza, has given the work political significance. A national museum can't be neutral in every context. It must balance artistic freedom and the context in which the work is displayed.

"The museum has removed political works by Norwegian artists to make room for a work that supports the narrative of an occupier, Israel. The director must recognize that fact. Curating decisions require more than vague declarations of 'space for artistic expression.'"

The left-wing Norwegian newspaper Klassekampen examined the extent Norwegian museums took an interest in the war between Israel and Hamas. It found that museums in Bergen and Trondheim are showing works by Palestinian artists. It also found that the Nitja Center for Contemporary Art in Lillestrom has held an exhibition of video works by Palestinian artists, as well as an exhibition of posters for Palestine and works by Palestinian artist Hasan Daraghmeh. It has also shown aerial photographs by Norwegian photographer Hedevig Anker "filmed in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel."

Several employees took part in the protest at the National Museum. "We aren't neutral, we stand in solidarity with Palestine," curator Monica Holmen told Klassekampen. One complaint by the anti-Eshkol demonstrators was the listing of her place of birth as Israel, even though the artist was born 24 years before the state was established. The sign has been changed to "British Mandate Palestine (today's Israel)."

The original decision was to follow the museum's policy: The country of an artist's birth is noted in its modern version even if it had a different name during the artist's lifetime. Only after public pressure did the museum change tack, while creating the impression that it had made a technical error. (Though internal emails leaked to the Norwegian media show that the museum was well aware of the sensitivity of the subject.)

It was very difficult to speak to the protesters themselves and give them a chance to explain their viewpoint to Israeli readers. Lind declined to be interviewed by Haaretz. Requests to the Association of Norwegian Visual Artists were unsuccessful at first, but Egil Bergjord, the chairman, eventually agreed. He said in an English-language email: "I would like you to note that the Norwegian Visual Artists Association (NBK) has not asked the museum to remove the artwork. Rather, NBK has criticized the museum for displaying it without providing a proper contextualization." He said that if "our National Museum exhibits Eshkol's work without presenting alternative perspectives or critical discourse, the museum fails to acknowledge or critically engage with the political significance of its curatorial decisions."

The National Museum said it couldn't arrange an interview with the director or the person responsible for the exhibition. Later it said that these officials couldn't be interviewed due to the public debate about the museum's decision – precisely the debate that Haaretz wanted to discuss.

***

"Museums must of course listen to different opinions, but their job isn't to meet the demands of various groups," says Marianne Hultman, a Swedish curator and art historian who spent some of her childhood in Israel. She has worked in Norway for nearly 20 years, and four years ago, as director of the Oslo Kunstforening art gallery and society, she curated an Eshkol exhibition in cooperation with Sweden's Norrköping Art Museum and the organization Jewish Culture in Sweden.

Regarding Eshkol's controversial work, she says: "Eshkol often used tablecloths, curtains and blankets as a base for her textile collages. In this work she used one of the army blankets brought to her by one of her dancers after the Yom Kippur War. "In 'Mourning Carpet' the symbolically charged fabric is allowed to emerge and become an integral part of the image. With remnants from the clothing industry, the image bears traces of bodily forms and points to the absence of the body, pointing to the traces of human life.

"The military blanket functions concretely as a base for the pieces of fabric, and symbolically as a representation of the violence that marked the event. It's a work of mourning for all the lives lost in connection with the massacre. Today it perhaps also expresses grief over a conflict that continues to leave deep traces of suffering and death."

Hultman believes there is justification for including Eshkol's work in the political art space at the National Museum, and she's disappointed at the protest against it. "How would our museums look if every artwork had to meet the same demands that Noa Eshkol's 'Mourning Carpet' now faces?" she asks. "It would mean that all artists had to bear responsibility for their country's political, religious and military choices. And where would that leave artistic freedom?"

Malmö Has Eurovision Fever. Its Jewish Community Is Feeling the Heat

A visit to Sweden's third-largest city a few weeks before it hosts the huge song competition reveals that preparations for putting the Palestinian cause on Europe's biggest stage are at a fever pitch. 'People I know are taking off kippot and necklaces with Stars of David in public'

published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-03-24/ty-article-magazine/.premium/only-teardrops-malmo-has-the-eurovision-fever-its-jewish-community-is-feeling-the-heat/0000018e-708a-d8e8-a9de-7cbb53170000

MALMÖ, Sweden – On a wintry March day, Malmö gives the impression of a multifaceted port city. Fans of the crime series "The Bridge" are familiar with its architectural symbol, the long Oresund Bridge linking the city with Copenhagen in Denmark. But a visitor to Sweden's third-largest city can discover all kinds of architectural connections to historical and demographic processes.

Take the contrast between the medieval historic city center and the impressive modern port to its west, where shipyards and industrial zones have been replaced by luxury homes, with the Turning Torso skyscraper as the area's landmark – and the contrast with concrete apartment buildings constructed decades ago as part of the government's large public housing program, which have become home to immigrants.

In May, these areas will all be flooded with swarms of visitors to celebrate the 68th Eurovision Song Contest and shake off the remnants of the freezing winter. Patriotic groups will fill the 130-year-old Folkets Park, which will become the Eurovision Village. Members of the indefatigable Eurovision fan clubs will party at the EuroClub every night, and the residents will, of course, enjoy an economic and cultural boom.

Meanwhile, when asked what they think about the event, their answers sound like they're reading from a marketing pamphlet. They're pleased and are happy to welcome everyone. This answer echoes the city council's message and description of the event: "A lively celebration of openness and inclusion."

But in the two months before the Eurovision contest – which has become important to Israel after attempts to get it kicked out, as though an entire nation's honor rests on it– the city has been thronged with crowds of a completely different nature.

It began with celebrations in the city on the night of October 7, after the Hamas attack that saw civilians brutally massacred. Hundreds celebrated with music, dancing, and fireworks as convoys of honking cars passed by and people handed out candy. Since then, protests against Israel and its participation in Eurovision have not stopped in the city.

Midweek, Malmö's central Möllevången neighborhood, the focal point of the protests, is quiet. Around the neighborhood, which gentrification has changed from a working-class area to one characterized by hipsters, students, and multiculturalism, hang posters with slogans like "stop the genocide" and flyers calling for demonstrations. A supermarket shelf with avocados from Israel has a label with a Palestinian flag and the word "boycott."

A secondhand clothing store's display window has a big screen breaking down the number of dead in Gaza: how many children have died, how many people are wounded or buried underneath rubble, how many become orphans every day, how many mosques have been destroyed, how many medical workers have been arrested or killed. An Israeli flag appears next to each number, and postcards are available to send to the foreign ministers.

But weekends provide a much more dynamic picture. Protests with thousands of participants are regularly held here, with Palestinian flags and signs reading "free Palestine" and "end the Israeli occupation," speeches in which Israel is called a child murderer and don't mention the events of October 7, and catchy songs with choruses such as "Free Palestine – crush Zionism."

They do not appear to have lost their strength – unsurprisingly, given that Malmö, like nearby cities such as Helsingborgs and Landskrona, is the residence of tens of thousands of Palestinian immigrants. Some claim it's one of the most antisemitic cities in Europe. But anyone expecting to find only immigrants in the throngs of demonstrators will be disappointed. There are also Swedish retirees, activists from youth organizations, and young couples with strollers.

Mira Kelber

The Jewish community is unsettled by the protests. "Being a Jew in Malmö after October 7 is living in fear," says Mira Kelber, 24, who is chairwoman of the Malmö Jewish Youth organization. "I walk around with the thought that something might happen, and the only question is what will happen, to whom, and when."

There is no question that October 7 exacerbated the situation, and Eurovision provides a unique platform for protesting the war that followed the Hamas attack. But the Jewish community was already concerned about its safety beforehand, and you don't have to look at Eurovision for the start of Malmö's ties with the Palestinian cause.

If we were to search for a starting point, it might be found in the waves of immigration to the city in the late 20th century. By 2015, Malmö had become a major focal point of the refugee crisis in Europe. Since then, thousands of people have crossed the Oresund Bridge every day to seek asylum in Sweden. Today, people from over 180 countries live in the city. More than a third of its population of 362,000 was born outside the country. And in contrast to the rest of Sweden, half of the immigrants are below the age of 35.

Among the consequences of these demographic changes was an increase in antisemitism, most notably in demonstrations that have sometimes seen violent incidents. The list of such protests is long. In 2009, when Malmö hosted the Davis Cup tennis matches between Israel and Sweden, thousands of demonstrators gathered in the city. Several hundred extremists who were among them – Islamists, far-left activists, and neo-Nazis – rioted and clashed with police.

Over the years, other demonstrations have seen antisemitic chants that have been documented and discussed in the Swedish media. In 2017, the cry was "we're going to shoot the Jews," made at a demonstration against the relocation of the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. In 2019, it was young activists from the Social Democratic Party shouting "crush Zionism" at the May Day Parade. In 2020, it was "Khaybar, Khaybar, oh Jews, Mohammed's army will return," a reference to the victory of Mohammed's followers over the Jewish tribes in the seventh-century battle of Khaybar, an inspiration to modern Islamist fighters.

Meanwhile, Jews in the city have experienced violence. In 2009, Molotov cocktails were thrown at the city's Jewish funeral home. In 2010 and 2012, firecrackers were thrown outside the synagogue and Jewish community center, breaking windows. In the following years, several complaints have been filed of verbal and physical attacks and harassment, and the community's sense of security has been undermined.

A 2021 report by the municipality determined that the city's schools were an unsafe environment for Jewish students, who were encountering verbal and physical assault as teachers chose to avoid confronting the assailants. Media outlets have also reported that Holocaust survivors are no longer invited to tell their stories in some of the city's schools because Muslim students disrespect them.

"Those who are born Jewish in Malmö grow up with the feeling that they have to protect themselves," says Kelber. "I'm publicly known as a Jew, but people I know are taking off kippot and necklaces with Stars of David in public."

The uneasiness doesn't just stem from harassment and hate crimes. Some of the city's residents of Palestinian descent have been involved in terrorism. These include Osama Karim, a son of Palestinian immigrants who was caught in Belgium after participating in attacks in Brussels and France in 2015 and 2016 and traveling to Syria to join ISIS. There have also been Palestinian Swedish groups that have been found to have ties to terrorist organizations. One of them, Group 194, had longstanding ties with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which reportedly took part in the October 7 attack.

In May 2023, less than half a year before the slaughter in Israel's southern border communities, a large pan-European Palestinian conference was held in Malmö with the participation of Palestinian Dutch leader Amin Abu-Rashid, who has links to Hamas. The Social Democratic Party, which was scheduled to attend, canceled when it learned about his attendance. One member, Jamal al-Hajj, attended despite being forbidden from doing so.

Concerns for Malmö's Jewish community haven't been eased by the fact that he is still a member of parliament and that quite a few people in the Swedish political system, academy, and cultural world are affiliated with Hamas, directly or indirectly. The result is that the city's Jewish community is shrinking.

These events look like another chapter in a long story. The community was founded in 1871, mostly by immigrants from Germany and Poland. From the late 1800s to the 1920s, it expanded through large-scale immigration, driven by poverty, antisemitism, and pogroms, from Poland, Russia, Ukraine, and the Baltic states. With Hitler's rise to power, the community absorbed more refugees, mostly from Nazi Germany, greatly expanding its social activity.

In the autumn of 1943, during World War II, Denmark's Jews were successfully smuggled to Sweden over the Oresund Straits by the Danish resistance. The Nazi occupation government in Denmark turned a blind eye. Along with other Holocaust survivors, several hundred of these Jews settled in Malmö after the war and became pillars of the community. In the late 1960s, almost 3,000 Polish Jews fleeing antisemitic persecution arrived in Sweden, with some of them settling in the Malmö area. The community's size peaked at 3,000 people in the early 1970s. The city now has 1,500 Jews, of whom only 534 are active members of the community.

Roko Kursar, photo: Liberalerna

"The issue of antisemitism is a global problem and in Malmö we have been aware of the problem locally for a long time. That's why we've been working on combating antisemitism in a structural way for a long time," says Roko Kursar, one of Malmö's deputy mayors and a member of the city council from the Liberal Party. "Antisemitism in Malmö didn't start after October 7. … We have a collaboration and cooperation with the Jewish community: we have put in resources, formed a steering committee which forms an action plan for every year. We also want to strengthen Jewish life, Jewish identity and Jewish culture in our city, and this is a wide cooperation which has been going on for over four years, and last year we extended this for another four years."

Can you explain?

"For example, we have coordinators in our schools with the job to combat antisemitism… We have also allocated a couple of extra million euros for work on conflict and crisis management in our schools… The work that was put in before October is a basis to gear up and face the challenges, like members of the Jewish community feeling insecure. The solidarity with the Jewish community in Malmö is widespread. We've had 'kippah marches'" – joint marches by Jewish community leaders and national or local political leaders in which they wear kippahs, held in Stockholm and Malmö since October 7 – "and we've had manifestations of solidarity from all sides of the political spectrum joined by citizens showing solidarity with our Jewish brothers and sisters. … Malmö is a very international and multicultural city. … That means we have backgrounds and ethnicities from all over the world, including places which are conflict-torn and war-torn, and many citizens of Malmö are affected by this. We have to always continue the work and be prepared to gear it up."

It may be time to speed things up. "There is fear within the Jewish community these days, especially when it comes to schoolchildren," says Fredrik Sieradzki, spokesman for the local Jewish community and director of the synagogue's Jewish learning center, which teaches locals and visitors about the community. "People are reluctant to say that they are Jewish, and some hide Jewish signs in public. All this isn't new, but it's much worse now. There is a strong sense of being alone. We have wide social circles, but a lot of people have the feeling that many in their social circles are turning against them. There's a lot of unfriending on social media, friends share antisemitic propaganda and so on. This has been a shock for many."

Fredrik Sieradzki, spokesman for the local Jewish community and director of the synagogue's Jewish learning center.
Fredrik Sieradzki, Malmö Jewish community spokesman and director of synagogue's learning center

Kelber describes similar feelings. "When we recently had a Shabbat dinner at the synagogue, people told me that they were afraid to even be near the synagogue." She says that every time she looks at her phone, she encounters antisemitism. "An Instagram account we opened under the name Proud Jew, for example, is filled with pig emojis and videos from Gaza with the question, 'Are you proud of this?' People do not distinguish between Israel and Jews and there are many influencers and celebrities who publish terrible things."

One of the examples Kelber is referring to is Stina Wollter, a highly prominent Swedish artist, radio host, and activist. Wollter wrote on her Instagram account, which has over 300,000 followers, that the Swedish media was not telling the truth about the conflict in Gaza and was ignoring the "fact" that Israel steals organs from dead Palestinians, that Israel lied about rapes and babies being beheaded on October 7, that Israel killed its own citizens by shooting at them from helicopters at the Nova music festival, and more. "We read in the newspaper about swastikas graffiti and attacks on Jews, a few days after October 7, Hamas published a call to attack Jews in the world, and many students simply did not go to university that day. There is always the fear – when will this happen to me," Kelber says.

The controversy surrounding Israel's participation in Eurovision, and then around the first version of its entry for this year's contest, "October Rain" – which, very symbolically, turned into "Hurricane" – certainly did little to allay the fears. "We are aware … that there are risks and security needs and restrictions here. Still, Malmö is a city that should be able to host everyone, including Israelis, so I hope the city will step up," Sieradzki says. "It's reassuring that the city is investing many resources in the event which is important to us all."

Kelber is less official sounding. "When Sweden won last time and when we heard that the Eurovision would be held in Malmö, we were very happy. I love the Eurovision and I would really like to be part of the party. But after October, I'm not ready to risk it. I won't participate" in the celebrations surrounding the event, she says, adding that her friends are also afraid. "We always doubt, and I don't feel like I want to risk myself for the Eurovision. In the past I was optimistic about a Jewish future in Malmö, I thought there were much worse places. But now, unfortunately, I'm not sure I can be optimistic. … [Eurovision is] supposed to be an event of joy and love, but for us it's about fear."

Do you have a message for [Israel's Eurovision entry] Eden Golan and the Israeli delegation?

"Yes, stay safe."

This is far from Malmös first encounter with Eurovision. It was the host city in both 1992 and 2013. "When we had all the options on the table, we conducted a thorough assessment considering many factors. And this time, once again, all the pieces fell into place in Malmö," Ebba Adielsson, the executive producer of Eurovision 2024, says. The city, she says, has the necessary "infrastructure, new meeting places and one of Sweden's best arenas. … In Malmö there is also a great commitment and a great deal of experience in hosting Eurovision."

Has the Swedish production team discussed the fact that there are large Palestinian protests on a regular basis in Malmö and that these may affect the event?

"We understand and are aware that people are making their voices heard on this issue and we are prepared for protests that may occur in connection with the event," Adielsson says.

Despite these assurances, Kelber says she was relieved when news emerged that Israel might not participate this year. Not everyone is happy that Israel is still set to do so. A group of residents has filed a motion asking the city to disqualify the Israeli delegation, which will most likely be debated in April. The Left Party is the only one in the city council that is expected to support the proposal, whose value is mainly symbolic in any case. The city has no authority to act on the matter beyond contacting the European Broadcasting Union.

Nina Jakku is a Left Party member of the Malmö City Council and the party's political secretary in the city. She says that the motion is a citizens' initiative, not a political one. We speak in her office, which is decorated with a large picture of Karl Marx and posters of Palestinian flags and slogans. "The Left Party supports the initiative by saying that it would be a good statement from the city of Malmö to say we don't wish for Israel to participate in the Eurovision."

Why shouldn't Israel participate, actually?

"It's about the situation in Gaza. The International Court of Justice is asking Israel to take immediate and effective measures to prevent a genocide and Israel has not even taken the bare minimum. Perhaps it has even done the opposite. The question should be how can we go on with business as usual."

Assuming that Eurovision does go on as usual, what are the Left Party and related movements planning to do as a protest during the song contest in May?

"The city of Malmö can't make a decision not to allow Israel's participation, but … there is a broad movement which is planning demonstration, a boycott campaign, and other protest events which in a sense have already started. We are part of that in the broader context," Jakku says.

That broad movement seems to be gaining momentum. Over 1,000 Swedish musical acts, including Robyn, Fever Ray, the folk duo First Aid Kit, and some of the singers who participated in Melodifestivalen (the competition that determines Sweden's Eurovision entry) signed an open letter demanding that Israel be barred from this year's competition over its "brutal" war in Gaza.

The letter, which was published in the Aftonbladet daily in January, states: "We believe that by allowing Israel's participation, the European Broadcasting Union is exhibiting a remarkable double standard that undermines the organization's credibility. … The fact that countries that place themselves above humanitarian law are welcomed to participate in international cultural events trivializes violations of international law and makes the suffering of the victims invisible."

From the Malmö.for.Palestine Instegram account

The musicians are hardly alone. Many social media groups are calling for a boycott of Israel and protests against its participation. One of them, Malmö for Palestine, is calling for weekly demonstrations outside city hall. In a message posted on Instagram, an illustration of an Israeli soldier with a microphone and a cable made of razor wire appears next to the slogans "remove Israel from Eurovision" and "stop the genocide in Gaza." The soldier is standing at the entrance to the Eurovision stage door, and his gun drips blood onto a large puddle that has already accumulated beneath him.

Nina Jakku's colleague at the city council, Anfal Mahdi, has also called for Israel's disqualification. "Belarus got a 'No' in 2021, Russia got a 'No' in 2022, Israel can also get a 'No' in 2024," she wrote on her Instagram account. "We've all seen how Israel starves and bombs Gaza. Children undergo amputations without anesthesia, the health services are bombed and smashed to pieces. There is no water, no food and no electricity for the residents of Gaza. Malmö should not celebrate with terrorist states." In a different post, Mahdi added: "Being political for Ukraine but not for Palestine is pure racism."

"I think there is no reason to compare wars or occupations, they are all horrific, wherever they are," Jakku says when asked about the comparison of Israel to Russia regarding Eurovision. "Still, the decision not to allow Russia to participate was correct and it would be correct not to allow Israel to participate too. In that sense it is comparable."

Do you take into account the effect of the demonstrations on members of the Jewish community in Malmö? Are you aware of the claim that the pro-Palestinian demonstrations in the city include antisemitic content?"

"I hope everyone will be safe to visit anywhere they want to in Malmö . I do agree that there is a big concern when it comes to antisemitism in Malmö . Every antiracist should be concerned about that situation. But I have been participating in massive protests in Malmö almost every week since October and in these demonstrations, there are no signs or slogans that can be classified as antisemitic. The protests are against war crimes, about genocide and what's happening in Gaza. They're asking for a cease-fire and raising concerns about the violence and killing of civilians. Antisemitism in Malmö and the protests against Israel, of which [the latter] are totally legitimate, are two entirely different things," Jakku says.

Nina Jakku, photo: Emmalisa Pauli

What about the burning of the Israeli flag outside the synagogue and the spontaneous demonstrations on the evening of October 7 that praised the massacre and Hamas?

"There have been some protests that have been totally unacceptable. But if you look at the total amount of people and demonstrations, the flag-burning was just one occasion, with only a couple of people involved. There have been some other occasions that can be seen as inappropriate, but we have taken part in protests against burning the flag and we have to be able to hold two thoughts in our head at the same time," she says – that is, to support the protests against Israel while also ensuring nothing inappropriate happens.

Doesn't excluding singers, dancers, and those who love Israeli music hurt precisely Israelis who are open to criticism and destroy the chances for dialogue?

"The question implies that there are two equal parts that can engage in a dialogue; that there's a possibility of a dialogue. But as far as I can see, that's not the case in the past 75 years. What we have is a military occupation that is using massive violence, and the people of Gaza don't have the possibility of dialogue with those who oppress them. The boycott is a possibility for the rest of the world to put pressure on Israel and we need to use it. As I understand, there are also some Israeli organizations calling for a boycott. The boycott isn't against an individual. It's the State of Israel that's the target."

The situation, certainly since October 7, is not a situation where one side is strong, conquering, and oppressive. There are victims on both sides. Israel has more than 1,000 civilian victims, including more than 200 hostages, some of whom are still in Gaza. Isn't your protest one-sided?

"The massacres in Gaza are going on now, and that is what we're trying to stop. I'm not questioning feelings or other victims, it's not my place to do so, but the people in Gaza are starving, tens of thousands have been murdered in five months, the International Court of Justice has called to prevent a genocide and other organizations are talking about war crimes which are going on. Unfortunately, we can't change what happened on October 7, but nothing justifies business as usual, as the Israeli bombs are killing civilians in Gaza month after month."

It has been reported that the Left Party's foreign aid organization, Left International Forum, has for years, via its Danish partners, cooperated with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. It is also known that the party had tight connections with Group 194 and similar organizations that, according to many reports in Swedish media outlets, also supported the DFLP, spread antisemitic propaganda, and supported armed resistance against Israel. In light of the current war, does the party still support these partners and their messages, or has the party changed its policy on this?

"Regarding [Left International Forum], their statement has been that they take responsibility and their task now is to make sure that something like this never happens again in our organization. When it comes to the other groups, I don't have any further information."

What is almost certain to happen, as Jakku says, is protests against Israel being part of Eurovision. Other Palestinian solidarity organizations in Malmö didn't respond to inquiries from Haaretz, but they are presumably planning major protest activity in the city during the song contest in May. Are measures being taken to prevent attempts to use the live broadcast as a platform for political protest, perhaps by planting large numbers of political activists in the audience with propaganda items like signs and flags to wave before the cameras?

"One of Eurovision's fundamental values is to be a nonpolitical event where everyone is united through music," says Adielsson, the song contest's executive producer this year. "[W]e always go through potential/prospective and conceivable scenarios and … take measures to avoid political expressions during the live broadcasts."

Were the musicians and members of the delegations told that they are not allowed to express political opinions before, during, and after the show, as the competition rules state?

"The European Broadcasting Union is responsible for the rules regarding the Eurovision Song Contest, [which] state that it is a nonpolitical event. For further information or questions on the topic, please contact the [union]."

City officials were similarly cautious and terse in their responses. "I heard that the Eurovision is the second largest TV show in the world after the Super Bowl, so obviously having it here in Malmö is important to us," says Kursar, a deputy member and council member. "But it's not the first time this is happening; we had the Eurovision in Malmö in the early 1990s and again in 2013. From the city's perspective, it's a very important event. … We're looking forward to having an inclusive, welcoming, and sustainable song contest," Kursar says.

I understand that despite the inclusive competition, less inclusive demonstrations are expected surrounding it. Let's say anti-Israeli protests with extreme expressions of antisemitism.

"[W]e have freedom of speech and freedom of protest in Sweden, and this is a question for the police to answer and decide on. The police are responsible for questions regarding public order, and we have a very good dialogue with the police."

Overall, the city government puts forward a united front of full trust in the police. It's a matter for the police, the city's director of safety and security, Per-Erik Ebbestahl, concurs. In any case, he adds, officials aren't aware of any concrete threats.

The police have ways to avoid eroding Jewish audiences' sense of security, such as refusing to approve a protest location or changing it, Ebbestahl says. He says the city is responsible for security at the events in which it is the main organizer and that there is no upper limit to the budget put into it.

Nevertheless, on the Israeli side, no one is taking chances. Although things are still under review, says a person familiar with the country's preparations for Eurovision, there will clearly be very stringent restrictions on the delegation, and it will be absent from events that other delegations attend, such as media appearances, public relations events, and parties.

It is Israel's ambassador to Sweden, Ziv Nevo Kulman, who sees less reason for anxiety. He says that despite Malmö's image as a place that is hostile and dangerous for Israelis, he knows another side of the city. "I was in Malmö during the 2021 Malmö International Forum on Holocaust Remembrance and Combating Antisemitism," Nevo Kulman says, "and I saw how this city knows how to deal with major international events. Not all of Malmö is against us, and not all of Sweden is against us.

"It is true that [Eurovision] is a complex event in which there can be provocations, protests and demonstrations, but I trust the Swedish authorities to take the challenges seriously and those responsible for the competition itself and the members of the delegations to ensure that the rules of the competition are respected and that no politics are brought into it. So, on the one hand, it may well be that Israelis, Jews, or members of the LGBT community, who usually support Israeli music, will not feel comfortable walking around Malmö with Israeli flags. But from what I hear, the Swedes are opposed to ostracism and only on the extreme left are there calls against Israel, for populist reasons. Most of the Swedes I've spoken to said they are against mixing politics and music and that they are happy that Israel is participating."

In general, says Nevo Kulman, a die-hard Eurovision fan and Israel's official representative, if it weren't for the political issue, he has no doubt that Israel would reach a respectable place in the final contest. "The song is excellent, Eden is amazing, and the performance is great," he says.

Are you willing to bet on Israel's final position?

"Let's wait and see."