'For Israelis, It's Clear Jews Can Be Religious, Secular, Asian or Black. Not for Swedes'

From Annie Leibovitz to Amy Winehouse and Ofra Haza: New book on Jewish heroines, created by three feminist Swedish Jewish women, offers an answer to antisemitism

Published: https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/2024-08-05/ty-article-magazine/.premium/for-israelis-its-clear-jews-can-be-religious-secular-asian-or-black-not-for-swedes/00000191-22ac-d4fa-a7d7-e7ef96a70000

What do Amy Winehouse, Anne Frank, Estée Lauder, Rosa Luxemburg, Ofra Haza and Marilyn Monroe have in common? They were all Jewish (Marilyn converted), they were all heroines, and now, all six are among the 120 Jewish women in the new Swedish-language book "Jewish Heroines." The book, which targets both young readers and adults, not only tells the heroines' stories but also uses them to pose questions that have become more urgent in the post-October 7 world.

"Jewish Heroines" is the work of three Jewish Swedish women. The text was written by Anneli Rådestad, the editor of the Jewish-Swedish culture magazine Judisk Krönika, and Karin Brygger, a poet and author who also writes for the Swedish media. The heroines were illustrated by Joanna Rubin Dranger, a graphic artist and also an illustration professor at the University of Arts, Crafts and Design in Stockholm. She's also a winner of the Nordic Council's Literature Prize for her latest graphic novel.

Anneli Radestad
Anneli Rådestad.Credit: Hugh Gordon

"The three of us come from very strong feminist backgrounds," says Rådestad, who's also a former journalist for Swedish public radio. She notes that Rubin Dranger has been working with feminist issues since the '90s, while Brygger has being studying women's history and literature for around 25 years. Rådestad is the editor of Judisk Krönika, which launched a series of articles about Jewish women, "partly because the magazine has been male dominated since its founding in 1932. Through these articles, we tried to contribute to a correction of Jewish-Swedish history by bringing women out of the shadows."

The idea to turn the project into a book came during the pandemic, while Rådestad was reading to her daughter, who was 5 at the time. "The book I was reading was the Swedish version of 'Good Night Stories for Rebel Girls' [by Elena Favilli and Francesca Cavallo], and I thought it would be great if there was a book dedicated to Jewish heroines. Jews are a small minority in Sweden, and the stories of Jewish women … have left very little mark." Rådestad says that when she told Rubin Dranger about the idea, "she was enthusiastic and very surprised that a book like this didn't already exist."

איורים - book_ Joanna Rubin Dranger
The book cover.Credit: Joanna Rubin Dranger / Natur & Kultur

I spoke with the three authors in Stockholm's Old Town after the book's launch party at a local bookstore. They say that when they checked if there was already a book on Jewish heroines, they found a few in English, but on a smaller scale. And they discovered the Jewish Women's Archive in the United States – a great source, but it's not a book. Rubin Dranger notes that they aimed to rise above the local context. "I wanted to make a book that would not only be for the Jewish community in Sweden but would suit everyone, including people in other countries," she says.

Brygger adds that "Jewish Heroines" could also play a role in academic debates. "It can be part of women's history and women's literary history studies. I've been involved in women's studies for a long time and I've been writing life stories and texts that give women a voice," she says. "These stories are missing in the academic world. In fact, a large part of the ability to do this now exists thanks to women like those we wrote about in the book, such as Gloria Steinem, Betty Friedan and Susan Faludi."

These last three are among a long line of American women in "Jewish Heroines," including Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, thinkers such as Susan SontagJudith Butler and Masha Gessen, and artists of various stripes such as Barbra StreisandBette Midler and Annie Leibovitz. The book also portrays women from totally different backgrounds – Nobel-winning scientists such as Israeli Ada Yonath and Italian Rita Levi-Montalcini – as well as actresses, dancers, heroines from Middle Eastern history and even biblical figures such as Esther, Ruth and the Four Matriarchs: Sarah, Rebecca, Leah and Rachel. "Jewish Heroines" weaves them into a tapestry of inspiring women from different eras all over the world.

Your book features a wide variety of countries of origin, eras and ethnic groups, but some are more widely represented than others. For example, there are many women from Sweden and the United States and only a few from Israel including Golda MeirOfra Haza, Ada Yonath, Ester Rada and Robi Damelin of the Parents Circle – Families Forum. How did you make your choices?

Joanna Rubin Dranger
Joanna Rubin Dranger.Credit: Hugh Gordon

Brygger: "When we found women we wanted to have in the book, we made presentations for the others … and the others took some time to think and learn, and we made a decision. The three of us had an equal part in 'finding' the women." Then came the greater work of research, writing and illustrating. "This ongoing conversation was the most fabulous part of working on the book," Brygger says. "We were in constant contact, sending messages, photos and articles to each other in a flow of creative desire to write and portray as many great women as we could."

Rubin Dranger adds about the women they chose: "For Israelis, it's quite clear that Jews can be anything – religious or secular, Asian, white or Black – but for Swedes it's not so clear. Many people have never met a Jew but they have an image of Jews. Often, they think of a Jew as a religious man with a hat and payes [sidelocks]. They don't always realize that this is a flexible identity."

According to Rubin Dranger, this is why the book also features a Black American rabbi, writers, journalists and spiritual women from Algeria, New Zealand, Egypt and Cuba, not to mention a Mexican poet and actresses from India. Rådestad adds: "In a way, this book is a response to things like the report published in 2021 about antisemitism in schools in Malmö, a city that has become notorious in this context. The report showed the way students and teachers understand the word 'Jew': an Orthodox religious white man or a figure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict."

Karin Brygger.
Karin Brygger.Credit: Hugh Gordon

Brygger notes that the world of the past – and unfortunately still the present – is filled with prejudices. So the book "not only offers a wonderful possibility of finding a character who is similar to you, who can give you strength or inspire you. It's also a tool for breaking down stereotypes and fighting antisemitism."

Brygger, who lives in Gothenburg, adds that she received warm responses when she presented the book at cultural institutions in the city. "They said, 'We don't need more reports, we already know that there is antisemitism here. We need tools to deal with the problem.' They were enthusiastic about the book and wanted to use it as an educational tool."

And the issue of Jewish diversity isn't taken for granted in the Jewish community.

"Today, when you look, for example, at the school photo of the Jewish school in Stockholm, you can find the whole world in them," Rådestad says. "People get married in all kinds of ways, and it's important to represent everyone."

In Brygger's opinion, the book's diversity of Jewish identities includes "a way to deal with prejudices and racism that exist even in the Jewish community." Rubin Dranger adds: "But it's not just the representation. It's not just pointing out the fact that there is someone in the book who is adopted or someone who is Ethiopian. It's a presence that's truly broad, not an example or two who are chosen just to serve as an alibi."

Beyond the choice of specific characters, the creators stress the significance of the content being available in a physical book, sold nationwide, rather than just being information in an internet archive or a Jewish publication. "In a country where the Jewish minority is tiny, we shouldn't underestimate the fact that a large non-Jewish publisher released the book in Swedish," Rådestad says. "This makes a statement that this book is for everyone – Jews and non-Jews, young and old, library visitors and school students."

She and her two co-authors are aware that the book is being published in stormy times globally for both women and Jews. The book links these two identities. Many of the profiles are of women who stood – or are still standing – at the forefront of such troubles, from Russian-American anarchist Emma Goldman, through Hannah Szenes and women fighters in WWII ghettos, to young Ethiopian-American activist Naomi Wadler. The impression is that, beyond its heroines' scientific and artistic achievements, the book celebrates the struggle against tyranny, racism and the patriarchy.

Illustrations of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, from the book.
Illustrations of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Ofra Haza, from the book.Credit: Joanna Rubin Dranger

"We have seen and continue to see a retreat in women's rights in the world," Brygger says. "It keeps returning. In the book, we connect Jewish history with women's history." Rådestad continues: "We are connecting in many ways with other struggles, like that of the LGBTQ community. The Jewish feminist movement and the Jewish LGBTQ movement walked hand in hand. "Take Steven Greenberg, for example, the first openly homosexual Orthodox rabbi. His interpretation of the Biblical verse forbidding male intercourse is that it is a prohibition against degrading another man. Doing so lowers him to the status of a woman, which in biblical times was seen as inferior. Greenberg's interpretation connects the two struggles – striving for equality in both male-male relationships and male-female relationships. It's a common struggle."

The authors acknowledge that the book's significance has changed somewhat since October 7. Work on the book was finished before the Hamas attack. However, says Rådestad, quite a few more Jewish female heroines have emerged since then. "Take, for example, Rachel Edri from Ofakim, who saved her own life and that of her husband," she says. "She became famous for giving cookies and coffee to the terrorists, thus preventing them from murdering more people. Another example came after the terrible Eurovision week in Malmö. I think that Eden Golan not only carried Israel on her shoulders but also Sweden's Jewish minority. A young woman stood high when so many older people around her went so low. She really showed great strength, while many Jews around the world felt pressure and fear. Her character gave me strength, too."

"We couldn't have imagined these circumstances when we wrote the book. We presented it, on the eve of its publication, at the Gothenburg International Book Fair the week before October 7," Rådestad recalls, referring to the largest cultural event in Scandinavia and one of Europe's largest book fairs. "The transition from being on an important international cultural stage to October 7 was very stark. It was a terrible fall. It shook the ground beneath the feet of Israelis and Palestinians – and Jews worldwide.

"I realized a few months later that the meaning of some of the book's heroines had changed for me. For example, Dona Gracia. When I wrote about her, I saw her as a powerful historical figure who faced the Inquisition 500 years ago. Today, I understand that there are still many who live as crypto-Jews – I have friends worried because they gave their children Jewish names. Now, they don't know what effect this will have.

איורים 5 Joanna Rubin Dranger

Illustration of Golda Meir, from the book.
Illustrations of Golda Meir and Esther Rada from the book.Illustration: Joanna Rubin Dranger/Natur & Kultur

In the reality of cultural and educational boycotts, a Jewish name can lead to serious consequences. At the same time, I feel that the resistance, the strength and the resilience of Jews are an important part of this book. As a people, we've been through this many times for hundreds of years. Some of the heroines here withstood the test. They gave what they created to themselves, to their families, to their people and to the world."

Rådestad mentions a common sentiment among Jews around the world today: "Israelis have become more Jewish and Jews have become more Israeli since Since October 7. The pogromist terror of October 7 evoked something that previously only happened in the Diaspora and that Israel was supposed to prevent. The security of independence and having agency was shaken. Israelis got a taste of what it was like to be a minority in Russia a couple of hundred years ago in the most terrible and terrifying way."

She observes that many Jews worldwide are suffering for the same reason Israelis are suffering. She says they see erstwhile friends and partners, such as the international cultural communities and feminist movement, being silent and turning their backs. "It's become very important for some Jews to stand up for Israel and Israelis in a world where haters are targeting Jews and Israelis alike," she says. "So when Israel is framed as a pariah state and a controversial country, the women we profiled provide strength that children and teenagers need."

"It's not just children," Brygger adds. "When I look through the book, I'm inspired and feel strength and joy. Already when we were writing it, when we discovered women we didn't know about, it made us happy. But now the joy is different. In the past, it was the euphoria of discovering something new – like the Jewish actresses who starred in Bollywood. But today, under the shadow of October 7, the book also gives us the strength we need."

Another layer to the book is the flexible definition of Jewish identity. Some figures were not born Jewish and converted (like Marilyn Monroe, who underwent a Reform conversion to Judaism ahead of her marriage to playwright Arthur Miller, and called herself "a Jewish atheist"). Some had a Jewish father and a non-Jewish mother. Some weren't born Jewish but were adopted by Jews. Some of the heroines didn't identify as Jewish growing up, but as adults were foced by others to grapple with their Jewish identity.

By way of example, Brygger points out Marianne Cohn, a member of the French Resistance during World War II. She saved many Jewish children by smuggling them over the Swiss border. She had no active Jewish identity whatsoever during her childhood in Germany. It only developed upon emigrating to France with her parents. Rubin Dranger talks about Lotte Laserstein, a German painter whose family had converted to Christianity. But the Nazis considered her Jewish and forbade her to work as an artist. She found refuge in Sweden. "In a way, her story connects to my own experience," she says. "I grew up assimilated and only embraced my Jewish identity after a priest in my Christian confirmation process made me feel singled out and attacked me because of my Jewish heritage. I know that many today share this experience. After October 7, many people are rediscovering their Jewish identity and they start searching for a community they may have already forgotten."

"In the current global climate, words like "minyan" and "shtetel" may take on a new meaning," Rådestad observes. "In progressive Judaism, at least, you can find a women's minyan. The term shtetel may represent a safe place." This is needed because there are already American publishing houses who say "No to sexism, no to racism and no to Zionism." Says Rådestad, "Jews may once again be forced to publish their books alone, until the world rediscovers them."

What sets a Jewish heroine apart from general heroism, and what is the uniqueness of women's heroism?

Brygger: "It's about persecution. The heroism in our book is related to the strength of coping with and resisting persecution, antisemitism and exclusion. In general society, there is a struggle against patriarchy and glass ceilings of all kinds. Here we need to add another struggle – the struggle that Jewish women have had to wage throughout history."

Rubin Dranger: "Part of it is that many Jewish women fought for the rights of other minorities, like African Americans or indigenous peoples in the United States. They weren't content with fighting for their own interests."

Rådestad: "It's part of Jewish values and Jewish tradition. Telling truth to power is part of what Jews do. So is the attempt to make the world a better place, tikkun olam. Although this characterizes American Judaism, it's not only in the United States. We wrote, for example, about the Iraqi-born philanthropist Flora Sassoon. She funded and promoted the use of vaccines against terrible diseases in India and fought against deprivation and discrimination."

Given the chance, who'd you like to meet from among the heroines you profiled?

Rubin Dranger: "The American cryptanalyst Elizebeth Smith Friedman, who cracked the Nazi codes. Code cracking and intelligence defense fascinates me, and the fact that Friedman's work wasn't known until quite recently. For many decades, her files were kept confidential and were lost to history. Elizebeth wasn't Jewish by birth but married a Jewish man, a U.S. Army cryptographer." It is important to talk about this type of Jewishness, exactly because not everybody considers them Jewish, she says.

Rådestad has a hard time choosing. She starts with Shifra and Puah, the biblical midwives who disobeyed Pharaoh's order to kill Hebrew children. Then she moves on to the young Jewish women who were part of the anti-Nazi resistance movements and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising fighters. She finally chooses Asenath Barzani, a rabbinical scholar who was active in 17th century Kurdistan. Barzani's father was a yeshiva head in Mosul. She became a yeshiva head herself. "Barzani's story changed my view about how progress happens," she explains. "It gives perspective on what the West used to be and what Iraq used to be."

Brygger also mentions several women. She says her encounter with Susan Sontag "not only shaped my academic life, but also my personal life since I was a teenager." She also recalls the story of Charlotte Salomon, the Jewish-German artist who was murdered in Auschwitz. "It's a story with a lot of pain," she says. "Salomon sent her works to a friend with instructions to 'keep this safe, it's my whole life.' Salomon reminds us how important it is to write and document our lives even today, how important it is to leave traces and testimonies."

"I hope that if a young person feels alone or lost, they'll be able to find what I found in these women that changed my life so radically," she adds. "I hope our book will give them role models in these turbulent and terrible times. Perhaps they'll even find a soulmate, even if it's someone who's no longer alive or someone who's far away. It's so hard to find and mold your identity. I'd never have made it through my teenage years without these women who made me a reading and writing person, with a life goal. As usual, I went all in and really tried to learn everything about many of them. Some of them are much closer to me than 'real people.' The world opens up to you when you relate to texts and books. These writers and artists also give you a hand to hold throughout life."

ראש ממשלת שוודיה ל"הארץ": "אנטישמיות בשוודיה מגיעה היום גם מכיוון אנשים בעלי מוצא מזרח תיכוני"

ראש ממשלת שוודיה אולף קריסטרסון אמר בכנס על אנטישמיות בסטוקהולם שמאז 7 באוקטובר חלה עלייה משמעותית בתקריות אנטישמיות: "אסור להתעלם מכל הדוגמאות שראינו לאחרונה: חלונות שבורים, ציורים של צלבי קרס ואיומי מוות". בריאיון ל"הארץ" התייחס למלחמה בצפון ואמר ש"כל העולם חושש מהסלמה ומהשלכותיה שלא ניתן לצפות אותן".

פורסם ב"הארץ": https://www.haaretz.co.il/news/world/europe/2024-10-01/ty-article/.premium/00000192-4711-d07b-aff3-57f74a100000

ראש ממשלת שוודיה, אולף קריסטרסון, אמר אתמול (שני) שחלה עלייה משמעותית באנטישמיות במדינה מאז מתקפת חמאס בישראל ב-7 באוקטובר, במהלך כנס שנערך בנושא בסטוקהולם.

קריסטרסון שיתף את באי הכנס בפגישות שקיים באחרונה בבית הספר היהודי בבירה וכן בקהילה היהודית במאלמו ואמר: "בשנה הבאה תציין הקהילה היהודית 250 שנה בשוודיה, ויהודי שוודיה חייבים להרגיש בטוחים כשהם מבקרים בבית הכנסת, כשהם עונדים תליון עם מגן דוד וכשהם מגיעים עם הילדים לבית הספר".כתבות קשורות

"אסור להתעלם מכל הדוגמאות שראינו לאחרונה: חלונות שבורים, ציורים של צלבי קרס ואיומי מוות. תלמידים נתקלים באנטישמיות חסרת בושה בבית הספר. פוליטיקאים שהפיצו תמונות אנטישמיות ברורות ברשתות החברתיות", אמר קריסטרסון. "אסור להתעלם או להפחית בחשיבות האנטישמיות. השנאה משגשגת בדממה. גם מילים יפות על אפס סובלנות אינן מספיקות. שוודיה היא אחת המדינות הסובלניות ביותר בעולם, אך יש למתוח את קו הסובלנות כשמופיעה חוסר סובלנות".

"ב-7 באוקטובר 2023 בוצע הרצח ההמוני הגדול ביותר של יהודים מאז השואה. המתקפה זכתה לגינוי נרחב גם בחלקים נרחבים של העולם. במקביל, נחגגה האלימות ברחובות ובכיכרות – הן בשוודיה והן במדינות אחרות, עם זיקוקים, שירה וריקודים. זה היה ניגוד ברור להבטחה של 'לעולם לא עוד'. והתברר שיש לנו עוד הרבה מה לעשות", אמר קריסטרסון. הוא ציטט את נשיאת הנציבות האירופית אורסולה פון דר ליין, ואמר שדבריה על כך ש"לא היתה תרבות אירופית ללא תרבות יהודית ולא היתה אירופה ללא העם היהודי" נכונים גם לגבי שוודיה.

בסיום הכנס התראיין קריסטרסון ל"הארץ" והתייחס לסוגיית האנטישמיות במדינה וגם למלחמה. "מאז שבעה באוקטובר, דברים רבים החמירו מבחינת יהודי שוודיה", אמר ראש הממשלה השוודי.

ראש ממשלת שוודיה אולף קריסטרסון בכנס על אנטישמיות בסטוקהולם, אתמול
ראש ממשלת שוודיה אולף קריסטרסון בכנס על אנטישמיות בסטוקהולם, אתמול, צילום: דיויד סטברו

על פי המועצה הלאומית למניעת פשיעה בשוודיה (BRÅ), נרשמה עלייה של פי חמישה בפשעי שנאה על רקע אנטישמי בין 7 באוקטובר לסוף 2023 בהשוואה לאותה תקופה בשנה הקודמת. על פי הדו"ח מדובר בכרזות וסיסמאות בהפגנות, אך גם בהצקות, הטרדות ותקיפות בעלות אופי אנטישמי על רקע המלחמה בעזה.

"בשוודיה, כמו ברוב המדינות, יש אנטישמיות זה עשורים. בעבר זה הגיע מכיוון ניאו-נאצים ואנשי ימין קיצוני. בימינו, אנשי הקהילה היהודית פוגשים אנשים רבים עם שורשים במזרח התיכון, ואנשים שמשתמשים ברטוריקה אנטישמית בגלל דעות שונות על מה שמתרחש במזרח התיכון", אמר קריסטרסון. "בדמוקרטיה כמו שוודיה בוודאי שמותר להחזיק בדעות שונות בנוגע לשאלה כיצד לפתור בעיות במזרח התיכון וכיצד לקדם שלום, ואנחנו עושים מה שאנחנו יכולים משוודיה, אבל יש לנו אחריות מלאה להגן על יהודים ועל החיים היהודיים בשוודיה ועדיין לא עשינו מספיק".

קריסטרסון נשאל על עמדת ממשלתו לגבי העברת הלחימה המרכזית מרצועת עזה לצפון והשיב ש"כל העולם חושש מהסלמה ומהשלכות של הסלמה שלא ניתן לצפות אותן. מבחינת שוודיה, אנחנו מוטרדים מכך שיש בין 2,000 ל-4,000 שוודים השוהים עכשיו בלבנון למרות העובדה שביקשנו מאזרחינו שלנו לצאת משם ולחזור לשוודיה כאשר זה עדיין אפשרי. יש לנו משאבים מוגבלים מאוד לעזור לאנשים לצאת אם המצב יהיה גרוע יותר".

ראש הממשלה השוודי לא התייחס ישירות בריאיון לשאלת החטופים בעזה וליוזמות להפסקת אש בין ישראל לבין חמאס. הוא גם נמנע מלומר אם שוודיה תנהג כמו מדינות אחרות שהטילו סנקציות על בכירים ישראלים, בהם איתמר בן גביר ובצלאל סמוטריץ'. בעניין תגובתה של שוודיה לפלישה קרקעית ישראלית אפשרית ללבנון, הפנתה לשכת ראש הממשלה למשרד החוץ השוודי, שמסר ל"הארץ" שאין באפשרותו להתייחס לנושא.

במשך שנים רבות היו יחסי ישראל-שוודיה במשבר חריף, אך בשנים האחרונות חל שיפור ששיאו בביקור שר החוץ הישראלי אלי כהן בסטוקהולם במאי 2023. קריסטרסון לא חושב שהמלחמה השפיעה על היחסים בין המדינות. "שוודיה עומדת כמובן מאחורי זכות הקיום של ישראל ומאחורי זכותה של ישראל להגן על עצמה ואפילו חובתה להגן על עצמה בתוך גבולות של זכויות הומניטריות", הוא אמר. "לאיחוד האירופי יש עמדה עקבית בנוגע לכך. בסופו של דבר, אנחנו מאמינים בפתרון שתי המדינות וכמובן שלשוודיה חשוב מאוד שיהיה אפשר להפריד בין דעות שונות על הסכסוך במזרח התיכון והתמיכה המלאה ביהודים החיים בשוודיה".

הפגנה פרו-פלסטינית בסטוקהולם, צילום: דיויד סטברו

בחודשים האחרונים נרשמו כמה אירועים קשים בשוודיה כמו ירי וזריקת רימון יד על השגרירות הישראלית בסטוקהולם, פרסום ידיעות על ארגונים שוודיים שתומכים אקטיבית בחמאס ואפילו סוכנים של משמרות המהפכה האיראניים שהתכוונו לרצוח מנהיגים יהודיים במדינה.

קריסטרסון אמר ששוודיה ערוכה לאפשרות שחיזבאללה ירצה לנקום בישראל דרך פגיעה ביעדים ישראליים ויהודיים בחו"ל. "אנחנו בכוננות גבוהה ושוודיה נמצאת זה יותר משנה ברמת הכוננות השנייה הכי גבוהה האפשרית. הייתי אומר שהרשויות ערניות מאוד ושולטות במצב. עושה רושם שטרוריסטים מחמשים עבריינים שוודיים שבדרך כלל עוסקים בפעילות פלילית ואנחנו מוטרדים מכך, אבל אני מבטיח שאנחנו מודעים לכך ועוקבים אחרי המצב בזהירות רבה".

קריסטרסון הוא ראש מפלגת "המתונים" השמרנית שמאז אוקטובר 2022 עומדת בראש קואליציית מרכז-ימין הנתמכת בידי מפלגת ה"שוודים הדמוקרטים" הימנית-פופוליסטית. ממשלתו נחשבת ידידותית מאוד לישראל וכמו הממשלה הקודמת, ממשלת מרכז-שמאל בראשות המפלגה הסוציאל-דמוקרטית, היא פועלת בדרכים שונות למאבק באנטישמיות וקידום חיים יהודיים בשוודיה.

בכנס שנערך אתמול בסטוקהולם תחת הכותרת "אנטישמיות בשוודיה – תיאור מצב וצעדי מנע", השתתפו גם שרת התרבות פריסה ליליסטרנד, השר לעניינים חברתיים יקוב פורסמד, שר המשפטים גונאר סטרומר, השרה האחראית על בתי הספר לוטה אדהולם והשרה לשוויון חברתי פאולינה ברנדברג. יחד עם השרים הבכירים, דנו במשך כשלוש שעות אקדמאים שוודים מובילים, נציגי קהילות וארגונים יהודיים, עיתונאים וארגוני חברה אזרחית בגורמי האנטישמיות בשוודיה, באופנים בהם היא מתבטאת ובצעדים הנדרשים להיאבק בה.

מאנה פרנק ועד איימי ויינהאוס: ספר על 120 גיבורות יהודיות מספק תשובה לאנטישמיות

מה משותף לאיימי ויינהאוס, אנה פרנק, אסתי לאודר, רוזה לוקסמבורג, עפרה חזה ומרילין מונרו? פרט לכך שכולן נשים וכולן יהודיות, הן גם כולן גיבורות. וכעת כל השש הן חלק מקבוצה של 120 נשים יהודיות המככבות בספר שוודי חדש, "גיבורות יהודיות" (Judiska hjältinnor), שמיועד לצעירים ומבוגרים כאחד. הספר, שמזכיר ספרי ילדים המעמידים במרכזם דמויות נשיות בולטות מההיסטוריה, לא רק משרטט את דיוקנותיהן של הגיבורות אלא גם מציג דרכן שאלות חשובות, שהפכו לדחופות יותר בעולם שלאחר 7 באוקטובר.

פורסם ב"הארץ": https://www.haaretz.co.il/gallery/galleryfriday/2024-07-31/ty-article-magazine/.highlight/00000191-036d-d67f-a3f5-4b6ddcab0000

שלוש נשים יהודיות-שוודיות חברו ליצירתו: את הטקסטים כתבו עֲנֵלִי רודסטד, העורכת הראשית של מגזין התרבות היהודי השוודי Judisk Krönika ולשעבר גם עיתונאית ברדיו של רשות השידור השוודית, וקארין בריגר, משוררת וסופרת, המפרסמת גם בעיתונות השוודית. את דמויותיהן של הגיבורות איירה יואנה רובין דרנגר, יוצרת גרפית שוודית ששימשה גם כפרופסורית לאיור בקונסטפק (המקבילה השוודית לבצלאל) ואף זכתה לאחרונה בפרס הספרות של המועצה הנורדית בעבור הרומן הגרפי האחרון שלה.

"שלושתנו באות מרקע פמיניסטי חזק מאוד", מספרת רודסטד. "יואנה עוסקת בסוגיות פמיניסטיות מאז שנות ה-90, קארין למדה היסטוריה נשית וספרות ואני עורכת את המגזין היהודי שבמסגרתו יזמנו סדרת כתבות על נשים יהודיות, בין השאר מכיוון שבמגזין היתה דומיננטיות גברית מאז היווסדו ב-1932. באמצעות סדרת הכתבות ניסינו לתרום לתיקון היסטורי ולהוצאת נשים מהצללים של ההיסטוריה היהודית-השוודית.

"הרעיון להפוך את הפרויקט לספר הגיע בזמן מגפת הקורונה. בזמן שקראתי לבתי, שהיתה אז בת 5, גרסה שוודית של 'סיפורים לפני השינה לילדות מורדות', שעסקה בגיבורות שוודיות מעולם הרפואה, חשבתי שזה יהיה נהדר אם יהיה ספר שיוקדש לגיבורות יהודיות. יהודים הם מיעוט קטן בשוודיה והסיפורים של נשים יהודיות, שתמיד היו חלק ממנו, השאירו מעט מאוד חותם. מכיוון שאני עוסקת בניסיון להאיר את הסיפורים האלה כדי שאנשים יכירו אותם, התקשרתי ליואנה וסיפרתי לה על הרעיון. היא התלהבה והופתעה מאוד מכך שאין כבר ספר כזה בנמצא".

איורים של רות ביידר גינסבורג, מתוך הספר. דומיננטיות אמריקאית
איורים של רות ביידר גינסבורג, עופרה חזה ואסתר רדא מתוך הספר. איור: Joanna Rubin Dranger, Natur & Kultur, Stockhoml

השיחה עם שלוש היוצרות מתקיימת בעיר העתיקה של סטוקהולם לאחר אירוע השקה לספר שהתקיים בחנות ספרים מקומית. הן מספרות שבמהלך הבדיקה אם כבר קיים ספר דומה המוקדש לגיבורות יהודיות, מצאו כמה ספרים שנכתבו באנגלית בנושא דומה אבל בהיקף מצומצם יותר. בנוסף, הן גילו את ארכיון הנשים היהודיות (Jewish Women's Archive) האמריקאי שהיה בעבורן מקור חשוב, אך הוא לא ספר מודפס. רובין דרנגר מציינת כי מראש בחרו לפנות לכיוון שיחרוג מההקשר המקומי. "אני רציתי לעשות ספר שלא יהיה רק לקהילה היהודית בשוודיה, אלא יתאים לכולם, גם במדינות אחרות". בריגר מוסיפה שספרן יכול לתרום גם לדיון אקדמי: "הוא צריך להיות חלק מלימודי היסטוריה נשית והיסטוריה של ספרות נשית. אני עובדת זמן רב בלימודי נשים ובכתיבת סיפורי חיים והענקת קול לנשים. הסיפורים האלו חסרים גם באקדמיה. למעשה, חלק גדול מהיכולת לעשות את זה עכשיו קיים בזכות נשים כמו אלה שכתבנו עליהן בספר, כמו גלוריה סטיינם, בטי פרידן וסוזן פלודי".

שלוש האחרונות הן חלק משורה ארוכה של נשים אמריקאיות שיש להן מקום מרכזי בספר, בהן השופטת רות ביידר גינסבורג, נשות רוח כמו סוזן סונטאג, ג'ודית באטלר ומאשה גסן ואמניות ומוזיקאיות כמו ברברה סטרייסנד, בט מידלר ואנני ליבוביץ'. אך יש בו גם נשים מרקע אחר לגמרי – מדעניות זוכות פרס נובל כמו עדה יונת הישראלית וריטה לוי-מונטלצ'יני האיטלקייה (זוכת פרס נובל לרפואה), שחקניות, רקדניות, דמויות היסטוריות מהמזרח התיכון ואפילו דמויות תנ"כיות כמו אסתר, רות וארבע האמהות. כולן יחדיו מצטברות בספר לפסיפס מרשים של נשים מעוררות השראה מתקופות היסטוריות שונות ומכל קצווי תבל.

בספר שלכן יש מגוון גדול של ארצות מוצא, תקופות ועדות, אבל יש כאלה שמקבלות ייצוג נרחב מאחרות. למשל, יש נשים רבות משוודיה ומארצות הברית ומעטות מישראל — בהן גולדה מאיר, עפרה חזה, עדה יונת, אסתר רדא ורובי דמלין מפורום המשפחות השכולות הישראלי-פלסטיני. איך התנהלה העבודה ומה היה שיקול הדעת בבחירת הדמויות?

בריגר: "כשאחת מאיתנו מצאה דמות חדשה שרצינו שתהיה בספר, הצגנו אותה לאחרות, לקחנו קצת זמן לחשוב וללמוד ואז קיבלנו החלטה. לשלושתנו היה חלק שווה במציאת הנשים. זו היתה שיחה מתמשכת שבה כל אחת מאיתנו הציגה נשים אחת לשנייה, שוחחנו, וידאנו שכולן מסכימות ואז החלה העבודה הגדולה יותר של מחקר, כתיבה וציור. השיחה המתמשכת הזאת היתה החלק המופלא ביותר בעבודה. היינו בקשר רציף, שלחנו הודעות, תמונות ומאמרים זו לזו בזרם של פליאה ורצון יצירתי לכתוב ולהציג כמה שיותר נשים נהדרות".

רובין דרנגר מוסיפה בנוגע לזהות הנשים שנבחרו: "בשביל ישראלים זה ברור לגמרי שיהודים יכולים להיות הכל – דתיים וחילונים, אסיאתים, לבנים ושחורים – אבל בשביל שוודים זה לא כך ברור. הרבה אנשים מעולם לא פגשו יהודי אבל יש להם דימוי של יהודים. כשהם חושבים על יהודי הם חושבים על איש דתי עם כובע ופאות. הם לא מבינים שזו זהות גמישה". זה לדבריה הרקע לכך שבספר מופיעות בין היתר רבה אמריקאית שחורה, סופרות, עיתונאיות ונשות רוח מאלג'יריה, ניו זילנד, מצרים וקובה, משוררת מקסיקאית ושחקניות מהודו.

"במובן מסוים, הספר הזה הוא תשובה לדברים כמו הדו"ח שפורסם ב-2021 על אנטישמיות בבתי ספר במאלמו, עיר שהפכה כבר לידועה לשמצה בהקשרים האלה", מוסיפה רודסטד. "הדו"ח הראה שהצורה שתלמידים ומורים מבינים את המילה 'יהודי' היא בצורת גבר לבן דתי אורתודוקסי עם פאות או דמות שקשורה לקונפליקט הישראלי-פלסטיני". ובריגר ממשיכה: "הספר ממלא את החלל הזה שבעבר, ולצערנו גם היום, מתמלא בדעות קדומות. הוא לא רק מציע את האפשרות הנהדרת למצוא דמות שדומה לך, שיכולה לתת לך כוח או שיכולה להעניק לך השראה; הוא גם כלי לפירוק סטריאוטיפים ומאבק באנטישמיות". בריגר, שחיה בגטבורג, מוסיפה שקיבלה תגובות אוהדות כשהציגה את הספר במוסדות תרבות בעירה שעוסקים בחינוך: "הם אמרו, 'אנחנו לא צריכים עוד דו"חות, אנחנו כבר יודעים שיש כאן אנטישמיות, אנחנו צריכים כלים להתמודד עם הבעיה'. הם התלהבו מהספר ורוצים להשתמש בו ככלי חינוכי".

אבל מעבר למאבק בסטריאוטיפים של החברה הכללית, הספר מבקש להתמודד עם סוגיית המגוון היהודי, שאינו מובן מאליו אפילו בקהילות היהודיות עצמן. "היום, כשמסתכלים למשל בתמונות של הילדים מבית הספר היהודי בסטוקהולם, אפשר למצוא בהן את העולם כולו", אומרת רודסטד, "אנשים מתחתנים בכל מיני דרכים ויש חשיבות לייצוג של כולם". לדעתה של בריגר, המניפה המגוונת של הזהות היהודית שהספר פורש היא "דרך להתמודד עם דעות קדומות וגזענות שיש בתוך הקהילה היהודית". ורובין דרנגר מציינת: "אבל זה לא רק הייצוג, לא רק ציון העובדה שיש בספר מישהי שהיא מאומצת או מישהי שהיא אתיופית. זו נוכחות שהיא רחבה באמת, לא דוגמה או שתיים שנבחרו רק כדי לשמש אליבי".

איורים - book_ Joanna Rubin Dranger
עטיפת הספר Judiska Hjältinnor צילום: Joanna Rubin Dranger / Natur & Kultur

מעבר לבחירה בדמויות ספציפיות, יש משמעות לכך שהספר קיים, כמוצר פיזי, על מדפי חנויות ספרים ברחבי המדינה ולא רק כמידע בארכיון אינטרנטי או כפרסום פנים-יהודי, מדגישות היוצרות. "במדינה כמו שוודיה, שבה המיעוט היהודי קטן מאוד, אי אפשר להמעיט בערך העובדה שהספר יצא לאור בשוודית ועל ידי הוצאה גדולה שאינה יהודית", אומרת רודסטד. "זו הצהרה על כך שזה ספר בשביל כולם – יהודים ושאינם יהודים, צעירים ומבוגרים, מבקרי ספריות ותלמידי בתי ספר".

היא ושתי שותפותיה מודעות לכך שהספר מתפרסם בתקופה סוערת וקשה גם מבחינת מצב הנשים בעולם וגם מבחינת מצב היהודים. הספר מקשר בין שתי הזהויות האלה ורבות מהדמויות המרכזיות שבו הן נשים שעמדו – או ממשיכות לעמוד – בחזית המאבקים האלה בעבר ובהווה; מהאנרכיסטית הרוסית-אמריקאית אמה גולדמן, דרך חנה סנש והלוחמות בגטאות במלחמת העולם השנייה ועד האקטיביסטית האתיופית-אמריקאית הצעירה נעמי וולדר. הרושם הוא שמעבר להישגים המדעיים והאמנותיים של הגיבורות, הספר מעלה על נס את המאבק בעריצות, בגזענות ובפטריארכיה.

"בעבר וגם היום אנחנו ממשיכות לראות נסיגה בזכויות נשים בעולם", אומרת בריגר. "זה כל הזמן חוזר. אנחנו מחברות בספר בין ההיסטוריה היהודית להיסטוריה הנשית". רודסטד ממשיכה: "במובנים רבים אנחנו מחברות כאן גם מאבקים נוספים, למשל את זה של קהילת הלהט"ב. התנועה הפמיניסטית היהודית והתנועה הגאה היהודית צעדו יד ביד. קח למשל את סטיבן גרינברג, שהיה הרב האורתודוקסי הראשון שהיה הומוסקסואל מוצהר, ואת הפרשנות שלו לפסוק מספר ויקרא האוסר על משכב זכר. הוא מסביר את האיסור הזה כאיסור על השפלה של גבר אחר והבאתו לסטטוס של אישה, שבימי המקרא היה נחות. לפי התורה, משכב זכר מוריד למעשה את הגבר למעמד של אישה ופרשנותו של גרינברג מחברת בין שני המאבקים – חתירה לשוויון גם ביחסים בין גברים לגברים וגם ביחסים בין המינים. זה מאבק משותף".

האם משהו במשמעותו של הספר השתנה מאז 7 באוקטובר?

רודסטד: "העבודה על הספר הסתיימה למעשה לפני 7 באוקטובר וישנן עוד לא מעט גיבורות שהאירוע הזה הוסיף לגבורה היהודית הנשית – למשל, רחל אדרי מאופקים, בת הערובה שנתנה עוגיות וקפה למחבלים. מעבר לכך, אחרי שבוע האירוויזיון הנורא במאלמו, אני חושבת שעדן גולן נשאה על כתפיה לא רק את ישראל, אלא גם את המיעוט היהודי בשוודיה. אישה צעירה שעמדה בכבוד מול כל כך הרבה אנשים מבוגרים סביבה שירדו לרמה נמוכה כל כך. היא באמת הפגינה כוח גדול בזמן שיהודים רבים בכל רחבי העולם הרגישו לחץ ופחד. הדמות שלה נתנה לי באופן אישי כוח".

"לא יכולנו לדמיין את הנסיבות האלה כשכתבנו את הספר. הצגנו אותו, קצת לפני שהוא פורסם, ביריד הספרים הבינלאומי בגוטנברג (אירוע התרבות הגדול בסקנדינביה ואחד מירידי הספרים בגדולים באירופה, ד"ס), שנערך שבוע לפני 7 באוקטובר. המעבר בין בימת תרבות בינלאומית חשובה ובין הנפילה של 7 באוקטובר היה חריף מאוד. זה הרעיד את הקרקע תחת הרגליים של ישראלים ופלסטינים – ושל יהודים בכל העולם. זו נפילה נוראה.

"כמה חודשים מאוחר יותר הבנתי שמשמעותן של חלק מהגיבורות בספר השתנתה בעבורי. למשל, דונה גרציה. כשכתבתי עליה היא היתה מין דמות היסטורית רבת עוצמה שהתמודדה עם האינקוויזיציה לפני 500 שנה. היום אני מבינה שיש גם עכשיו המון יהודים שחיים כאנוסים (יהודים נסתרים) – יש לי חברים יהודים שמודאגים כי הם נתנו לילדים שלהם שמות יהודיים ועכשיו הם לא יודעים מה יקרה להם כתוצאה מכך. במציאות של חרמות בעולם התרבות ובבתי ספר, שם יהודי יכול להביא להשלכות קשות. בו בזמן, אני מרגישה שההתנגדות, הכוח והחוסן של יהודים הם חלק מהספר הזה. כעם, עברנו דברים כאלה פעמים רבות ובמשך מאות שנים. חלק מהגיבורות כאן עמדו במבחן ויצרו את מה שיצרו עבורן, עבור משפחותיהן, עבור העם שלהן ועבור העולם".

Anneli Radestad
ענלי רודסטד צילום: Hugh Gordon

רודסטד מציינת סנטימנט בולט בקרב יהודים ברחבי העולם היום: "ישראלים בימינו נהיו יהודים יותר, ויהודים נהיו ישראלים יותר. הטרור הפוגרומיסטי של 7 באוקטובר היה משהו שבעבר קרה רק בגולה ושישראל היתה אמורה למנוע. הביטחון של העצמאות התערער וישראלים קיבלו טעימה באופן הנורא והמפחיד ביותר של מה זה להיות מיעוט כמו המיעוט היהודי ברוסיה לפני 200 שנה. במקביל, יהודים רבים בעולם סובלים היום ממה שישראלים סובלים ממנו – השתיקה והפניית העורף של אנשים שהם החשיבו בעבר לחברים ושותפים, כמו אנשי עולם התרבות או התנועה הפמיניסטית. מעבר לכך, יהודים רבים עומדים עכשיו לצד ישראל כאשר השונאים שמים להם למטרה יהודים וישראלים כאחד. כך, כשישראל מוצגת כמדינה מצורעת וכמדינה שתמיכה בה מעוררת מחלוקת, הנשים שכתבנו עליהן מעניקות כוח שילדים ובני נוער צריכים".

"אלה לא רק ילדים", מוסיפה בריגר. "כשאני מעיינת בספר, אני מקבלת השראה ומרגישה כוח ושמחה. כבר כשכתבנו את הספר, כשגילינו נשים חדשות שלא הכרנו, זה שימח אותנו, אבל עכשיו השמחה היא אחרת. בעבר זו היתה האופוריה של מציאת משהו חדש שלא הכרנו – למשל, כשגילינו את השחקניות היהודיות שכיכבו בבוליווד. אבל היום ישנו כל הזמן הצל של 7 באוקטובר והספר גם נותן כוח שאנו זקוקות לו".

איור של גולדה מאיר, מתוך הספר
איור של גולדה מאיר, איור: Joanna Rubin Dranger/Natur & Kultur, Stockholm

רובד נוסף שקיים בספר הוא ההגדרה הגמישה של הזהות היהודית. יש דמויות שלא נולדו יהודיות ושהתגיירו (כמו מרילין מונרו, שהתגיירה בגיור רפורמי לקראת נישואיה למחזאי ארתור מילר והגדירה עצמה "יהודייה אתאיסטית"), יש כאלה שאביהן היה יהודי ולא אמן ויש כאלה שלא נולדו יהודיות אך אומצו על ידי יהודים. מעבר לכך, חלק מהגיבורות לא הגדירו את עצמן יהודיות בצעירותן ורק בבגרותן נדחקו על ידי אחרים לגבש את זהותן היהודית.

בריגר מציינת לדוגמה את מריאן כהן, חברת המחתרת היהודית בצרפת בזמן מלחמת העולם השנייה, שהצילה ילדים יהודים על ידי הברחתם לגבול שווייץ: בימי ילדותה בגרמניה כלל לא היתה לה זהות יהודית פעילה וזו התפתחה רק כשהיגרה עם הוריה לצרפת. רובין דרנגר מספרת על לוטה לזרשטיין, ציירת יהודייה-גרמנייה שמצאה מקלט בשוודיה ושיהדותה הוגדרה למעשה רק כאשר הנאצים אסרו עליה להציג את עבודותיה, סגרו את הסטודיו שלה וסילקו אותה מאגודת האמניות של ברלין. "זה גם הסיפור שלי", היא אומרת, "אני התבגרתי כילדה שעברה אסימילציה (היטמעות), ואימצתי את הזהות היהודית שלי רק אחרי שכומר בתהליך הקונפירמציה הנוצרית שלי הצביע עלי כיהודייה. אני יודעת שזו חוויה שרבים שותפים לה והיום, אחרי 7 באוקטובר, אנשים רבים מגלים מחדש את זהותם היהודית ופונים לחיפוש אחר קהילה שאולי הם כבר שכחו".

רודסטד ממשיכה: "באקלים הגלובלי הנוכחי, מילים כמו 'מניין' ו'שטעטל' יקבלו משמעות חדשה. ביהדות הפרוגרסיבית לפחות, אפשר יהיה למצוא מניין של נשים, והמונח שטעטל יקבל משמעות מודרנית של מקום בטוח. יש בזה צורך מכיוון שיש כבר הוצאות לאור באמריקה שאומרות 'לא לסקסיזם, לא לגזענות ולא לציונות'. ייתכן שיהודים שוב ייאלצו להוציא את ספריהם לבד, עד שהעולם יגלה אותם מחדש".

Joanna Rubin Dranger
יואנה רובין דרנגר צילום: Hugh Gordon

מה מבדיל גבורה יהודית מגבורה כללית ומה ייחודה של גבורה נשית?

בריגר: "זה קשור לרדיפה. הגבורה בספר שלנו קשורה לכוח ההתמודדות וההתנגדות לרדיפה, לאנטישמיות, לגזרות. בחברה הכללית, ישנו המאבק בפטריארכיה ובתקרות הזכוכית למיניהן. כאן צריך להוסיף את המאבק הנוסף, השונה – המאבק שנשים יהודיות היו צריכות לנהל לאורך ההיסטוריה".

רובין דרנגר: "חלק מהעניין הוא שנשים יהודיות רבות לחמו בעבור זכויות של מיעוטים אחרים – למשל, שחורים או עמים ילידיים בארצות הברית. הן לא הסתפקו במלחמה על האינטרסים שלהן".

רודסטד: "זה חלק מהערכים היהודיים ומהמסורת היהודית. יש מסורת יהודית של אמירת אמת בפני בעלי שררה. זה חלק מהמסורת של יהודים לעשות את העולם למקום טוב יותר, להשתמש בפלטפורמה שלהם בעבור תיקון עולם. אף על פי שזה מאפיין את היהדות האמריקאית, זה לא רק בארצות הברית. כתבנו למשל על הפילנתרופית פרחה (פלורה) ששון, ילידת עיראק, שמימנה וקידמה שימוש בחיסונים נגד מחלות נוראות בהודו ונלחמה בקיפוח ואפליה".

קארין בריגר
קארין בריגר צילום: Hugh Gordon

אם היתה ניתנה לכן הזדמנות לפגוש אחת מהגיבורות שכתבתן עליהן, במי הייתן בוחרות?

רובין דרנגר: "מפצחת הקודים האמריקאית אליזבת סמית פרידמן. עבודת פיצוח ועבודה של הגנה באמצעות מודיעין מרתקת אותי. ופרידמן בכלל לא היתה ידועה עד לאחרונה כי התיקים היו חסויים. חוץ מזה, היא לא היתה יהודייה במקור, אלא התחתנה עם יהודי וזה חשוב. חשוב לדבר גם על יהודיות מהסוג הזה, דווקא מפני שלא עבור כולם הן נחשבות יהודיות".

רודסטד מתקשה לבחור. היא מתחילה משפרה ופועה, המיילדות התנ"כיות שלא צייתו למצוותו של פרעה להמית את ילדי היהודים. אחר כך היא עוברת לצעירות היהודיות שהיו חלק מתנועות ההתנגדות לנאצים וממרד גטו ורשה ולבסוף היא בוחרת באסנת ברזאני, בת המאה ה-16 מכורדיסטאן, פוסקת הלכה ותלמידה חכמה שהיתה בתו של ראש ישיבה במוסול והפכה לראש ישיבה בעצמה. "הסיפור של ברזאני שינה את דעתי על האופן שבו מתרחשת קִדמה", היא מסבירה, "הוא נותן פרספקטיבה על מה היה פעם המערב ומה היתה פעם עיראק".

גם בריגר מדברת על כמה דמויות. היא הושפעה רבות מסוזן סונטאג, "המפגש איתה עיצב לא רק את חיי האקדמיים, אלא את החיים האישיים שלי מאז שהייתי בת עשרה", וגם מסיפורה של שרלוטה סלומון, האמנית היהודייה-גרמנייה שנרצחה באושוויץ. "זה סיפור עם הרבה כאב", היא אומרת, "סלומון השאירה את עבודותיה למַכרה עם ההוראה 'שמרי על זה. אלה הם כל חיי'. היא מזכירה לנו עד כמה חשוב לכתוב ולתעד גם היום, כמה חשוב להשאיר עקבות ועדויות.

"אני מקווה שאם אדם צעיר מרגיש לבד או אבוד, הוא או היא יוכלו למצוא בספר שלנו את מה שאני מצאתי בנשים האלה ששינו את חיי לחלוטין. אני מקווה שהספר ייתן להם מודל לחיקוי בזמנים הסוערים והנוראים האלה. אולי הם אפילו ימצאו בו חברת נפש, גם אם זו חברה שנמצאת רחוק מאוד או שכבר אינה בין החיים. כל כך קשה למצוא ולעצב זהות. אני לעולם לא הייתי צולחת את שנות העשרה שלי בלי הנשים האלה שהפכו אותי לאשת קריאה וכתיבה, למישהי עם מטרה בחיים. הלכתי עד הסוף בניסיון ללמוד הכל על רבות מהן, וחלק מהן הרבה יותר קרובות אלי מאנשים אמיתיים. העולם נפתח בפנייך כאשר יש לך קשר לטקסטים ולספרים, והסופרות והאמניות יכולות לתת לך יד להחזיק בה וללכת איתה לאורך כל החיים".

October 7th and the new Jewish Year

October 7th becomes a new Memorial Day in the Jewish calendar as we are reminded where we come from, where we're headed and to whom we're destines to give account.

Published in Swedish daily Expressen: https://www.expressen.se/kultur/judiska-barn-sags-ansvariga-for-folkmord/

Last week, Jews all over the world welcomed a new Jewish year. According to Jewish tradition, the Jewish New Year isn't just a celebration. It's a memorial day – the day when God remembers his creations and grants them new life for the coming year. Or perhaps the day when we remind ourselves where we come from, where we are going, and to whom we are destined to give account.

This isn't unique. The Jewish calendar is all about memory – on Pesach, we remember the exodus from slavery in Egypt. On Tisha Be'Av, we remember the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem. These are events that happened thousands of years ago, and yet they are recounted in detail, with almost holy precision, so that the lessons are never forgotten. "In every generation, one must see oneself as if one had personally experienced the exodus from Egypt," says the text Jews have read on the same date for over a thousand years. And that's exactly what we do.

But this year, Israeli Jews faced different challenges on the New Year. Just after 7 p.m., two Hamas terrorists began shooting and stabbing civilians on a light rail train in Jaffa. After killing four people, they got off the train and killed three more. One of the victims was Inbar Segev Vigder, who was carrying her 9-month-old baby. Inbar is dead. The baby survived. Half an hour later, the Islamic Republic of Iran fired 180 ballistic missiles at Israel. This was followed by missiles and rockets launched by Lebanese Hezbollah. All of this happened within 24 hours.

And now, just a few days later, the Jewish calendar has a new catastrophe commemorate. The brutality, horror, and despair that were supposed to be over after the Holocaust, the pogroms, and exiles due to the birth of the Jewish state have returned. Now, after the terrorists from Gaza succeeded in dragging the whole region into a new spiral of violence, we have a new memorial day – October 7th, a day that has become almost biblical in nature sue to the existential drama and the enormous human cost. It has already become a cliché – the day when the most Jews were murdered since the Holocaust.

At this point, some may bring up the issue of context. These are only Israel’s victims. Where are the stories of the Palestinians and the Lebanese who are dying in their thousands?

Yes, everything has context. Even Hitler. And Christian the II. And Genghis Khan. And everyone has their own context. For the Palestinians, October 7th is seen within the context of the 1948 Nakba and the 1967 occupation of the West Bank. For the Israelis, it’s about the Holocaust and violent attacks throughout history – the exploding buses, the hijacked planes, the massacres, the wars and the bombings. But human beings are not neutral creatures. They see their story before others and mourn their own first. The loss of life is not abstract. I am a Jew and I am a Zionist – I’m not a representative of Sweden’s Jews, but I’m sure I’m not alone in seeing Israel as an important part of my identity and its story, its people, and its safety come first for me.

But October 7th is not about context. It’s not about revenge, and it’s not about a future peace either. Like other days in the Jewish calendar, it’s about remembering. It’s about remembering those who were on the front line – the young, beautiful people who were slaughtered at a rave in the desert, the women who were raped and mutilated, the elderly who were brutally dragged from their homes to suffocate in underground tunnels in Gaza, the civilians who were shot to death while embracing each other, and the children who were murdered alongside their siblings and parents before they even had a chance to live.

October 7th is about remembering them, but it’s also about remembering ourselves – where we were, how we were affected, and what we learned about our place in the world, in an ever-widening circle that even reached Sweden. It’s about the Jewish children who were blamed for genocide and were too scared to go to school, the demonstrations filled with antisemitic slogans, the endless boycotts, walkouts, open letters, and slander on social media, explaining that Hamas has the right to resist. It’s about remembering the mass psychosis that made grown men and women boo a 20-year-old girl who came to sing in Sweden, shout at Holocaust survivors attending a ceremony in a synagogue, burn the Israeli flag in Malmö, and shoot at the Israeli embassy in Stockholm.

We have to remember all of this to recall where we came from, where we are headed, and before whom we are destined to give account. Whoever that may be, it is certainly not those who explain to us that we are allowed to be Jews but not Zionists, or that we can be Swedish Jews only if we denounce Israel. This is our first October 7th memorial day, and we’re not really ready for it to become one of our regular memorial days yet. Today, while 101 Israelis are still held hostage in Gaza, while the violence continues, and while we are still counting our dead, for many Jews, this is just another day in the longest month in history – today is the 365th of October.

Swedish Israel-Palestine Debate Won't Effect the War in Gaza

However, it can improve life for Jews, Israelis, Palestinians and Palestinian activists here in Sweden.

For almost a year, so-called pro-Palestinian demonstrations in Sweden have raised opposing reactions. According to some, they're a powerful sign of international solidarity. Others criticized them saying that they support terrorism and spread antisemitic propaganda. The common reply to this claim uses the term "smutskasta"(literally – throw dirt), meaning that calling the demonstrators antisemitic is a smear campaign design to de-legitimize them.

This started early on. A popular slogan of the global pro-Palestinien demonstrations is "From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free". Despite it's appealing and harmless sound, some claim that it's antisemitic since it implies that the Jewish state of Israel, which is currently between the (Jordan) river and the (Mediterranean) sea, will be violently annihilated. The answer was made by, amongst others, Shora Esmailian in Aftonbladet (November 2023) who said that this accusation is either ignorant or "a smear campaign against people and their quest for freedom and now also survival ".

Those who were persuaded that "From the River to the Sea" is a call for peace and harmony, may have been surprised when Sydsvenskan's Inas Hamdan and Jonas Nyren revealed what some of the demonstrators were shouting in Arabic. It turned out that it wasn't exactly calls for a cease fire and human rights. Instead, it was support for recognized terrorists and commitment to a violent struggle against any kind of compromise.

This time too, the comeback was accusing the accusers. " Sydsvenskan is now trying to discredit the organizers by insinuating their support for terrorism and speaking with double messages", Salahuddin Barakat, a famous Malmö immam, wrote claiming this is a result of islamofobia. Other Swedish pro-Palestinians went even further. In April Samidoun, an international "Palestinian prisoner solidarity network" which is active in Sweden and supports Hamas, claimed that authorities are aiming to " silence the movement promoting the legitimacy of the Palestinian resistance, especially the armed resistance". According to Samidoun, supporting armed resistance, which is a synonym for the massacre of Jews, is a natural right and preventing it is, once again, a silencing technique. 

A pro-Palestinian demonstration in Malmö, May 2024

There are many more examples. A group of over 70 Swedish writers accused Swedish media of portraying Israel as a democracy fighting terrorist, while portraying Swedish protesters as "troublemakers or, in the worst case, anti-Semites" (Journalisten, August 2024). Another group, this time of 50 Lund academics, pointed the blame at Swedish politicians who instead of praising pro-Palestinian demonstrators as champions of democracy, call them "undemocratic, uncivilized and destructive", which is a "step in the development towards fascism" (Sydsvenskan, April 2024).

It's important to point out that this Swedish debate doesn’t really matter when it comes to the actual war in Gaza. The days when Swedish politicians, NGOs and diplomats could affect Middle-East affairs are over. In fact, they never really existed. Swedish demonstrators won't stop the war, bring Israeli leaders to the ICC or open the gates for humanitarian help in Rafah. But that doesn't mean they don't have an effect. They do. But it's not on foreign affairs – it's domestic.

This debate is a manifestation of everything wrong with Swedish discourse today – it's polarizing, it's full of fake news and conspiracy theories and lacks depth and complexity. and it's clear who the victims are. Demonstrations, boycotts, walk-outs, open letters and manifestations are affecting the sense of belonging and security of Jewish students and teachers in Swedish schools, they're effecting the debate climate on social media and work relations in the Swedish culture world, public sector and academia. This isn't a made-up problem; many Swedish Jews and Israelis are experiencing alienation from large parts of Swedish society.

But does the entire Swedish pro-Palestinian movement agree to dismiss criticism as "smutskastning", or will at least some of the thousands of demonstrators agree to enter a serious dialogue on this? Now, almost a year after the war started, it's time to reach some sort of understanding about what's considered antisemitic, undemocratic, uncivilized, and destructive. This will do absolutely nothing for the people of Israel and Gaza, but it may contribute a lot to Jews, Israelis, Palestinians and pro-Palestinian activists here in Sweden.

Just to get the debate started, here are three initial thoughts to be considered.

First, the idea that Israel is a colonizer state which shouldn't really exist and should be wiped of the map is antisemitic. One can quote Edward Said and Franz Fanon and make comparisons to Algeria or South-Africa, but it won't change the fact that Jews are natives to the land between the river and the sea and have been so since biblical times, many centuries before the Palestinians even existed. Despite post-colonial theories, the land of Israel is part of Jewish identity, history and culture and therefore the idea that "I don't have a problem with Jews, I only have a problem with Israel" is a fantasy based on a false idea about Jews (just like most other forms of antisemitism).

Second, the fact that there are some ultra-orthodox and some Marxist anti-Zionist Jews, doesn't mean that Zionism is an extremist or unauthentic manifestation of Judaism. In other words, Noam Chomsky represents Jews today in the same way that NMR represents Sweden. It's true that 150 years ago, the Zionist movement was a minority within European Jewry since most Jews though they could continue living in Europe. But then came Auschwitz. After that, Zionism became more or less a consensus. There are many kinds of Zionism – religious, secular, socialist, revisionist and populist, but the base is clear – Jews, like any other people, have a right to self-definition in a state of their own. Claiming you "don't have a problem with Jews, but you won't allow Zionist on your streets" is claiming that every people in the world have rights that jews don't have. If that's not antisemitism, what is?

And finally, Hamas is the new version of the genocidal wing of the Palestinian national movement which historically had a close ties with Nazi Germany. These days it's a modern movement, combining a conservative, fascist, chauvinist, fundamentalist, anti-democratic, homophobic and xenophobic ideology with Jihadism, high-tech disinformation campaigns, a financial empire of global investments, modern weapon systems and powerful alliances with the world's most tyrannical regimes. Many parts of the pro-Palestinian movements in Sweden support Hamas actively and spread its propaganda, while for Jews in this country, Hamas are today's Nazis. This would be a good thing to remember next time people with megaphones in a "peaceful demonstration" shout "Hela världen står med Hamas. Allahu Akbar".

Pro-Palestinian protesters, Stockholm, December, 2023

If there are people who march in "solidarity with Palestine" who don't support these ideas and are willing to make themselves heard and renounce their extremist partners, they may find surprising allies. These may include Jews and Israelis who are willing to denounce Netanyahu's government, to oppose the occupation of the West-Bank, investigate allegations of war crimes and support a peaceful two-state solution. All that is needed is a show of good will: oppose Israel's policy but not it's right to exist, oppose Israel's violent racist nationalist parties, but not the entire national movement of the Jewish people, keep Swedish tax-financed public sector out of the conflict and, for god's sake, don't impose the conflict on Jewish school children, university students and work colleagues. Sadly, the war in the Middle-East will continue whatever we do here, but if we can agree on this, at least we can end its Swedish extension.

Should Swedish Teachers be Forcing Their Activism on School Children

Don't teachers know that getting school and pre-school children involved in their "support Palestine" is against Swedish school laws and regulation?

Published in Svenska Dagbladet: https://www.svd.se/a/rPW3RA/kulturdebatt-ska-forskolebarn-patvingas-politisk-aktivism

It was a regular day at a regular Stockholm pre-school. The children arrived in the morning and after the parents rushed off to work, they got busy making cute creations using paint and beads. But this day had a special theme – the bracelets the children made were all in the colors of the Palestinian flag, as were the hand prints that they put on white sheets of paper titled "Support Palestine". According to a social media post, the pre-school was also involved in raising money for the Sewedish Palestinagrupperna NGO.

This wasn't just a local initiative. It turns out that a self-titled "preschool teacher and lecturer who fights to strengthen the preschool's mission", who has tens of thousands of followers on social media, has been giving ideas and inspiration for what he called "pre-schools for Palestine day". The content itself was hardly impressive, but it made an impression on some pre-school teachers who decided to impose their political activism on 4 and 5-year-olds. In Jönköping, for example, a couple of pre-school teachers got children to draw watermelons to "show love and solidarity with Palestine". in Upplands-Bro, a pre-school teacher claimed on social media that "the children have been given beads and crafts in the colors of the Palestinian flag" and went on to say that the children will ask their parents to buy food for Palestinians and let Palestinians live in their homes.

Where is all this coming from? Surely, Swedish educators know that political activism in schools is opposed to the school law. In order to understand the phenomena, I went to a teacher's union meeting dedicated to a discussion about the union's policy concerning Gaza. Since the teachers attending the meeting, some of them wearing so-called Palestinasjals, didn't know who I was, they spoke freely about their concerns.

One spoke passionately about the disgrace of Swedish teachers supporting the Nazis in the 1940s. She then said "in twenty years someone will write – 'my teachers were silent!' I don't want to bear that shame". Another spoke about the cowardly silence in Swedish schools and said that many teachers are willing to speak out and show civil courage. The use of "civil courage" is interesting here. Civil courage means that there's a price for your actions. Otherwise, why is it courage? Raoul Wallenberg saved tens of thousands of Jews in Budapest 1944. The price – death in a KGB prison. Nelson Mandela fought for equality in apartheid South-Africa. The price – 27 years in prison. Miss Gunilla promotes Hamas narratives. The price – a reasonable salary from the Municipality of Stockholm funded by Swedish tax payers. There is, of course, a real price too, but it's not paid by the teachers. It's paid by children who feel unsafe and unwelcome when they encounter pro-Palestinian activism where there supposed to feel protected and appreciated.

In the union meeting, however, the teachers claimed that it's not about being pro-Palestinian, it's about values. "we have the Children's Rights Convention in our curriculum, human rights, children's rights", one of the said, "children are being slaughtered, burned to death in tents, and we cannot even make a statement". This claim is worth addressing since human rights are, and should be, part of the school plan. But since the world is a complicated place, school programs stick to values, history and social sciences and generally avoid ongoing, political conflicts. If schools would deal with this war, they'd have to deal with others. There are active genocides, civil wars and massacres going on in dozens of countries and still, Swedish schools don't dedicate their resources to Tigrayans, Darfurians, Curds, Uyghurs and Rohingya people and they certainly didn't discuss the victims of the October 7th massacre in Israel. Should Gaza be an exception just because it's a fashionable topic in Swedish activist circles? Even if the Palestinians were defenseless victims of a one-sided genocide and even if drawing watermelons could somehow save them, the result of turning Swedish schools into a political Hyde-Park will be even less time left for mathematics, Swedish, arts and science. Do Swedish students really excel in these subjects so much that they can allow themselves this righteous indulgence?

But even if they did, focusing on Gaza would be problematic. The current war in Israel and Gaza has victims on both sides. Israeli children as well as Palestinians were killed, Israeli teen-agers were raped and kidnapped, Israeli students also lost their homes and became orphans and their schools are being bombed and destroyed too. Swedish activists who publicly "support Gaza", don't see this as an equally important issue. The teacher's union leadership even explained that solidarity help funds only go to UNRWA because Israel "can take care of itself". This comes from believing in a specific narrative: Israel is a colonialist state based on ethnic cleansing of indigenous Palestinians who are now victims of a genocide.

There are, however, competing narratives. For example: the Jewish national movement (aka Zionism) and the Palestinian national movement both have justified claims on the same territory and they're involved in a bloody conflict which can only be solved by compromise. And here's another: Iran is using its Palestinian and Lebanese proxies in order to annihilate Jews while it's engaging in an influence campaign in Europe which is designed to acquire western allies (such as Swedish teachers) who'll support its antisemitic genocidal aggression. The battle between these narratives is important, it's what politics are all about, and it should take place in many places, but not in schools, and aiming at 4-year-olds is a particularly cheap shot.

And finally, there's antisemitism. A Malmö school report (2021), a Stockholm school report (2022) and a government report (2024) all clearly show that Jewish students and Jewish teachers in Swedish schools are victims of antisemitism and that one of the reasons for this is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is present in classrooms and schoolyards. Does anybody seriously believe that even more of it will help addressing antisemitism? Of course not. But fighting antisemitism isn't as fashionable as it used to be, and it's not only about schools anymore.

It's happening everywhere. Political activists preach against indifference and demand that teachers, nurses, midwives, and social-workers "stand up for Palestine". That's all very well, but here's another option; perhaps teachers can stand up for their students, midwives can stand up for future mothers and nurses for their patients. Political activists can arrange demonstrations, write op-eds and promote the "global intifada" in their spare time, just like people with similar hobbies burn the Quran or shave their heads and march for "white power" after work and not during office hours. At the end of the union meeting, one of the teachers said: "I'm a child of the revolution. I came to Sweden from Iran and the revolution there started from the teachers". Sweden's teachers can exercise their freedom of speech because they live in a democracy, but considering the results of the revolution in Iran, perhaps it's best if they do it as far away from children as possible.

How Gaza Became a Swedish Domestic Political Issue

Sweden is no longer trying to create peace in the Middle East. Instead, the "humanitarian superpower" has become a country where the parties make short-term use of the war to win votes.

Published in Svenska Dagbladet: https://www.svd.se/a/Jbx098/david-stavrou-gaza-har-blivit-svensk-inrikespolitik

Sweden's Middle-East policy is a dynamic creature. In the 70's it went from the early pro-Israeli policies of the Erlander era to the radical pro-Palestinian activism of the Palme era. Later ties with Israel strengthened as Göran Persson positioned himself as an international fighter against antisemitism and part of attempts to bring peace to the region. confusingly enough, Sweden's turn to the right and Carl Bildt's term as Foreign Minister aligned Sweden with the Palestinians again. A few years later, Stefan Löfven's government continued the trend when it recognised Palestine, while Foreign Minister Wallström promoted a "feminist foreign policy", but focused on supporting the Palestinian cause more than woman's rights in any other region.

These policies had one thing in common – whether they were formed by Sten Andersson's "Stockholmsgruppen" or by over enthusiastic professional diplomats, they were all based on the assumption that Sweden can somehow contribute to solving this decades-long conflict and that it's an actor in this far away complicated drama. That all supposedly changed two years ago. Sweden's application to join NATO, the end of 200 years of non-alignment and the focus on Ukraine meant a paradigm shift. When I talked to Foreign-Minister Billström in 2022, he told me about a "recalibration of Swedish foreign policy" and "new priorities". He said that the NATO accession is above anything else and after that it's all about "our neighborhood" meaning the Nordic states and the Baltic region. He added that "this is where we're putting our emphasis", making it clear that fixing the world, including the Middle-East, is no longer a priority.

Fast forward a couple of years and we suddenly have a new reality. Sweden's new foreign policy priorities may be right or wrong, but at least they're clear and transparent. What happened during the last European Parliament election campaign, however, is the exact opposite. Since the war in Gaza became a major part of the news cycle and a fashionable subject in activist circles, Swedish policy makers, in a new and cynical twist, decided to use it as a tool to mobilize voters. And so, Sweden is no longer trying to bring peace to the Middle-East, instead the "humanitarian super-power" has become a petty war profiteering vote-collector.

Vänsterpartiet is a good example. You'd have to be extremely naïve in order to think that the European Parliament has a substantial effect on the current war. Still, Dadgostar and Sjöstedt went all in with the genocide accusations and demands for sanctions against Israel. They even supported boycotting Israel's Eurovision participation. When it comes to the EU, this is all symbol politics. The real issues are climate change, immigration and economic growth. But V's electorate are wearing Palestinasjals and shouting "Intifada-revolution!". That's where the votes are. Sjöstedt may also be looking at a competing party which can only be described as war-mongering. Nyans posters say "Legitimera Hamas" and the party claimed it  will use a seat in the European Parliament to remove Hamas from the terror organizations list. For Vänsterpartiet there was nothing to lose by making Gaza a campaign issue and there was a world to win. Socialdemokraterna, in perfect harmony, jumped on the Palestinian wagon slightly more moderately, insuring it wouldn't stay behind. How this will affect even one Palestinian in Rafah remains to be seen.

The conflict in Gaza was also used by Sverigedemokraterna which for months is trying to position itself as "Sweden's most pro-Israel party". But this isn't really about Israel. It's an attempt to wash away the party's neo-Nazi past. The idea that "we are friends of Israel, so we're no longer antisemites" is just as insulting as the old claim that "I'm not an antisemite because some of my best friends are Jews". Bust SD's timing is perfect. Some Israeli politicians are willing to align themselves with Europe's most populist and minority-hating parties, even if the side effect is legitimizing parties which are, or used to be antisemitic or neo-Nazi.

All this wouldn't have mattered so much if it was only about politics. Parties use what they can to get elected, that's just how it is. But this is causing damage too. The last thing real Israelis need is the support of ultra-right-wing parties encouraging Israeli politicians to continue marching into a hopeless future of endless war and backsliding democracy. They do, however, need real friends – Europeans who will support Israel's right to be a Jewish state and defend itself, but also insist that it coexists with its neighbors and stays a prosperous democracy. On the other side, the last thing Palestinians need are friends who adopt the Hamas narrative of colonialism, genocide and armed struggle. What they really need, besides humanitarian help, is uncorrupt leaders who are not the local chapter of the Muslim brotherhood or Iran.

But it's even more serious in a Swedish context. Politically dancing on the blood in Gaza and Israel is blowing wind in the sails of Swedish antisemitism which has never been worse.

Sweden's political class has to start taking responsibility. It's fine that it decided that Sweden can't bring world peace. It's actually probably very wise. But that doesn't mean Swedish politicians have to go to the other extreme. Even if they can't be part of the solution, at least they can stop being part of the problem.

Israel's Ambassador to Sweden Remains Optimistic Under Constant Threats

Ziv Nevo Kulman took office in 2021, at the tail end of one of the most difficult crises in the history of Israeli-Swedish relations. October 7 brought other voices to the fore. 'Suddenly, we see that on the core issues there is agreement,' he says in an interview with Haaretz

Published in "Haaretz": https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-05-21/ty-article/.premium/israels-ambassador-to-sweden-remains-optimistic-while-working-under-constant-threats/0000018f-9a6c-dce9-a1cf-feecb91f0000

While singer Eden Golan was on the Eurovision stage in Malmö, one person in the audience was accompanied by at least the same amount of security guards as the Israeli delegation. Ziv Nevo Kulman, the Israeli Ambassador to Sweden and longtime Eurovision fan, insisted on coming to the event to support Golan and her team, despite likely being one of the most heavily guarded people in the Scandinavian country at the time.

"There was an illustrative moment in the Israeli performance in the semi-final," he says. "The performance began with boos before Eden even opened her mouth. In response, there were also cheers from the audience, and a kind of duel started up between them. And then, because the performance was so good and Eden wasn't affected at all by the boos, most of the audience cheered for her. They were impressed by a 20-year-old singer who was put in a difficult situation and rose to the occasion with great honor."

Nevo Kulman says the hostility and calls for a boycott of Israel were met with a clear and supportive reaction from the public. "That was also the moment when she leapt up in the odds," the ambassador says. "As someone who has really been following the boycott calls in Sweden recently, I can say that the Swedes are in favor of dialogue, in favor of listening and in favor of freedom of expression. My impression is that the Swedes are not advocates for BDS."

Ambassador Ziv Nevo Kulman, photo credit: Embassy of Israel in Sweden

The conversation with Nevo Kulman took place in a discreet location in Stockholm, with four security guards, both Swedes and Israelis, sitting in the next room. He says that after Eurovision ended, just before the delegation returned to Israel, he met with Golan. "It was one of the most thrilling and moving moments in my career," he says. "What we had here was a concerted effort by an incredible delegation with an incredible singer and an incredible song, and we [at the embassy] also helped to provide the right umbrella."

This umbrella, Nevo Kulman says, included his local media appearances in which he sought to provide a counterweight to the large anti-Israel protests in Malmö over Eurovision weekend. In an interview with the Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter, the ambassador was pictured wearing an ABBA T-shirt adorned with a yellow ribbon, as well as a necklace with the Chai symbol.

Nevo Kulman says that, normally, Eurovision to him is a time for celebration. If things were normal, he would probably have been going around Malmö with other ABBA fans, simply enjoying the fun and colorful event. But because of the current situation, this year none of that is possible.

"The shirt is like a wink," he explains. "I speak with a wide audience through the media interviews and I see more Swedes who are sympathetic to Israel. I hear from people who tell me – Don't get the wrong idea, don't be confused. Just because there are loud people in the streets, in protests, doesn't mean that's what the Swedes think. Our messages are getting through to a lot of readers and listeners and viewers."

Nevo Kulman wanted to stress that, while the protesters are entitled to freedom of expression, as a member of the European Broadcasting Union, Israel also has the right to participate in Eurovision without being harassed. "We also deserve the right to speak, and the competition showed that the conception that everyone in Europe hates us is incorrect," he says.

Unlike the professional juries, the voters from the general public are anonymous, and a large portion of them awarded Israel the coveted 12 points. "Including people from countries you wouldn't expect," the ambassador says.

Nevo Kulman cites the LGBT community as an example of a group that is partly hostile to Israel, despite the country's historic role in the contest. "We were supposed to be the country that carries this banner in the Eurovision, but this is a generation that doesn't know who Dana International was." Nevo Kulman, who is gay himself, says, "Now they're into being Queers for Palestine. It's not enough for them anymore to just be gay or trans, and this is concerning. We need to find a way to talk with these publics."

Things have been particularly tense at the Israeli Embassy in Sweden lately. This past Friday, the police detained several people suspected of firing guns near the embassy. In January, a grenade was thrown at the building, but did not explode. The incident took place a few days after reports came out that Hamas planned to attack the Israeli Embassy and other sites in the country.

Police outside the Israeli embassy in Stockholm, in January.Credit: David Stavrou

"Of course, it affects the work," Nevo Kulman says. "In Sweden, unfortunately, consular services are only provided online. But the embassy is working, we're here and we're operating." He says the threats definitely have an impact on his regular agenda as ambassador: "There are things I did in the past that I can't do now. I can't stand in a public square and give a speech, and therefore I have to miss certain events, and it breaks my heart."

Nevo Kulman has been in the Israeli foreign service for 28 years. He served as cultural attache at the embassy in Tokyo, as Deputy Ambassador to the Czech Republic, as cultural affairs advisor at the embassy in Paris, as general consul in Montreal, and as head of the cultural diplomacy division at the Foreign Ministry in Jerusalem. The position in Sweden is his first as an ambassador. Despite the nation's tranquil image, his tenure in Stockholm has been quite tumultuous.

He is well-liked by Swedish politicians and the Swedish media, maintains extensive ties with the country's Jewish community, and does not hesitate to express an opinion in different areas. For example, he firmly denounced the practice of far-right political provocateurs burning copies of the Koran. He fought for Israeli culture to be included in the Book Fair in Gothenburg. One of his more controversial moves was to declare that Israel would not maintain ties with the populist far-right Swedish Democrats party.

"We are aware of the positive statements by the Swedish Democrats about Israel," he says. "But at the same time, the party continues to adhere to extremist positions regarding a ban on brit milah [Jewish religious circumcision] and the importing of kosher meat, and it has yet to seriously grapple with its neo-Nazi past and with the antisemitism among its members." He adds that the party has not expressed any remorse for its many years of mistreatment of Holocaust survivors, which makes its supposed support for Israel questionable.

Nevo Kulman took over the position in Sweden in the summer of 2021, when Israeli Swedish relations had been languishing after a long and difficult state of crisis. The two countries were attempting to mend the rift that began in 2014, when Sweden officially recognized a Palestinian state and was followed by years of harsh statements, recalls of ambassadors and a halt to state visits.

"It was a lengthy process," Nevo Kulman says. "The Swedes understood that they had gone too far with the recognition of a Palestinian state. The move didn't change anything on the ground and didn't contribute to the Swedish interest of being perceived as a fair partner acceptable to both sides."

But the process of rehabilitating relations was jolted again in the aftermath of October 7. "Now it's impossible to promote an agenda beyond the conflict," says the ambassador, although he also sees an optimistic angle here. "Suddenly, we see that on the core issues there is agreement: the attitude toward Hamas, Israel's right to defend itself, returning the hostages, the fight against the accusations of genocide, and other issues."

Nevo Kulman explains that Israel and Sweden have similar positions on many matters. "Swedish official statements consistently cite Israel's right to defend itself and call for the immediate release of all the hostages." He adds that the Swedish foreign minister has said that he will soon visit the region. "Naturally, this will enable a direct and fruitful dialogue about all the issues on the agenda," the ambassador says.

שגריר ישראל בשוודיה הוא ככל הנראה אחד האישים המאובטחים במדינה, וגם בין האופטימיים שבהם

זיו נבו קולמן נכנס לתפקידו בקיץ 2021, בשלהי אחד המשברים הארוכים והקשים ביותר בתולדות יחסי ישראל־שוודיה. היחסים בין המדינות ידעו בעבר עליות ומורדות, אלא שדווקא 7 באוקטובר הציף קולות נוספים. "פתאום אנחנו רואים שגם בנושא הליבה יש הסכמה", אומר השגריר בריאיון ל"הארץ"

פורסם ב"הארץ": https://www.haaretz.co.il/news/world/europe/2024-05-17/ty-article/.premium/0000018f-8565-dd4f-ab8f-95ed89960000

בזמן שעדן גולן היתה על במת האירוויזיון במאלמו, בקהל נכח אדם שלווה בלפחות אותה כמות מאבטחים כמו המשלחת הישראלית. זיו נבו קולמן, שגריר ישראל בשוודיה וחובב אירוויזיון ותיק, התעקש להגיע ולתמוך במשלחת למרות שהוא ככל הנראה אחד האנשים המאובטחים ביותר במדינה הסקנדינבית. "היה רגע מכונן בהופעה הישראלית בחצי הגמר", הוא מספר ל"הארץ". "ההופעה התחילה עם קריאות בוז עוד לפני שעדן בכלל פתחה את הפה. בתגובה, נשמעו גם קריאות אהדה והתפתח מעין קרב קריאות בקהל. ואז, בגלל שההופעה היתה כל כך טובה ועדן לא הושפעה בכלל מהקריאות, רוב הקהל הריע לה. הוא התרשם מזמרת בת עשרים ששמו אותה בסיטואציה קשה והיא עמדה בה בכבוד רב".

נבו קולמן מספר שהעוינות והקריאות לחרם נתקלו בתגובה ציבורית ברורה ותומכת. "זה גם היה הרגע שבו היא קפצה בהימורים", אמר השגריר. "ובכלל, כמי שמלווה את הקריאות לחרם בשוודיה בתקופה האחרונה, אני מתרשם שהשוודים לא דוגלים ב-BDS, הם בעד דיאלוג, בעד הקשבה ובעד חופש ביטוי".

השיחה עם נבו קולמן התקיימה במקום דיסקרטי בסטוקהולם, כאשר ארבעה מאבטחים, שוודים וישראלים, יושבים בחדר הסמוך. הוא סיפר שבסוף האירוע, רגע לפני חזרת המשלחת לישראל, הוא נפגש עם גולן. "זה היה אחד הרגעים המרגשים בקריירה שלי", אמר. "היתה כאן עבודה מאומצת של משלחת מדהימה עם זמרת מדהימה ושיר מדהים, וגם אנחנו עזרנו בלספק את המטרייה הנכונה". חלק מהמטרייה שנבו קולמן מדבר עליה כוללת את הופעותיו בתקשורת המקומית שבהן ניסה לתת משקל נגד להפגנות הגדולות במאלמו. בריאיון ליומון השוודי Dagens Nyheter בסוף השבוע שבו נערך האירוויזיון הופיע השגריר עם חולצה של להקת אבבא שעוטרה בסרט צהוב, וענד שרשרת עם המילה "חי".

נבו קולמן מספר כי בשגרה, האירוויזיון נחשב בעיניו לחגיגה. אם מצב העניינים היה רגיל ככל הנראה הוא היה מסתובב במאלמו עם אוהדים נוספים של אבבא ונהנה מהאירוע השמח והצבעוני. אלא שכיום, בגלל המצב, כל זה לא אפשרי. "החולצה היא סוג של קריצה", הוא מסביר, "אני מדבר עם קהלים רחבים דרך הראיונות בתקשורת ואני רואה יותר שוודים שמגלים סימפטיה לישראל. אני שומע כאלו שאומרים, אל תתבלבלו, אל תוטעו, זה שיש אנשים קולניים ברחובות, בהפגנות, לא אומר שזה מה שהשוודים חושבים. יש לא מעט קוראים, מאזינים וצופים שהמסרים שלנו נוגעים אליהם".

נבו קולמן ביקש להדגיש שעל אף חופש הביטוי של המפגינים, גם לישראל, כחברה באיגוד השידור האירופי, יש זכות להשתתף באירוויזיון בלי שיתנכלו לה. "גם לנו מגיעה זכות דיבור והתחרות הראתה שהקונספציה שכולם שונאים אותנו באירופה אינה נכונה", אמר. הוא הסביר שלעומת חבר השופטים, קהל המצביעים באירוע הוא אנונימי, וחלק גדול ממנו נתן לישראל 12 נקודות. "גם אנשים ממדינות שלא היית מצפה מהן", אמר השגריר.

נבו קולמן מציין את הקהילה הגאה כדוגמה לקהל שחלקו עוין את ישראל, וזאת על אף מקומה ההיסטורי בתחרות. "אנחנו היינו אמורים להיות מדינה שנושאת את הדגל הזה באירוויזיון, אבל זה דור שלא יודע מי היתה דנה אינטרנשיונל". נבו קולמן, חבר הקהילה בעצמו, אומר, "עכשיו הם בקטע של Queers for Palestine. לא מעניין אותם כבר להיות סתם הומו או טרנסית, וזה מדאיג. אנחנו צריכים למצוא דרך לדבר עם הקהלים האלה".

בעת האחרונה המציאות בשגרירות ישראל בשוודיה מתוחה במיוחד. מוקדם יותר היום (שישי) המשטרה במדינה עיכבה כמה בני אדם בחשד לירי באזור השגרירות. בינואר האחרון נזרק לעבר הבניין רימון, שלא התפוצץ. תקרית הרימון התרחשה ימים ספורים אחרי שהתפרסמו דיווחים על כך שחמאס תכנן לפגוע בשגרירות ישראל ובאתרים אחרים במדינה. "ברור שזה משפיע על העבודה", אומר נבו קולמן. "בשוודיה, למרבה הצער, השירות הקונסולרי ניתן אונליין בלבד, אבל השגרירות עובדת, אנחנו נמצאים כאן ומתפקדים". לדבריו, האיומים בהחלט משפיעים על סדר יומו כשגריר. "יש דברים שעשיתי בעבר שאני לא יכול לעשות עכשיו. אני לא יכול לעמוד בכיכר ולנאום ולכן אני נאלץ לפספס אירועים שלבי נשבר מכך שאני לא משתתף בהם".

נבו קולמן נמצא כבר 28 שנים בשירות החוץ של מדינת ישראל. הוא שירת כנספח תרבות בשגרירות בטוקיו, כסגן שגריר בצ'כיה, כיועץ לענייני תרבות בשגרירות בפריז, כקונסול כללי במונטריאול וכראש החטיבה לדיפלומטיה תרבותית במשרד החוץ בירושלים. התפקיד בשוודיה הוא תפקיד השגריר הראשון שלו ובניגוד לתדמית השלווה של המדינה, תקופת הכהונה שלו בסטוקהולם סוערת למדי.

זיו נבו קולמן. צילום: שגרירות ישראל בסטוקהולם

הוא אהוד בקרב אנשי הדרג הפוליטי והתקשורת בשוודיה ומקיים קשרים ענפים עם חברי והנהגת הקהילה היהודית והוא גם לא מהסס להביע דעה בתחומים רבים. כך, למשל, הוא גינה בתקיפות את המנהג של אנשי ימין קיצוני ופרובוקטורים פוליטיים לשרוף ספרי קוראן. הוא נלחם על הכללתה של תרבות ישראלית ביריד הספרים של גטבורג. בין הצעדים מעוררי המחלוקת שנקט היה ההכרזה על כך שישראל לא תקיים קשרים עם מפלגת הימין הפופוליסטי "השוודים הדמוקרטים".

"אנחנו מודעים להתבטאויות החיוביות של 'השוודים הדמוקרטים' כלפי ישראל", הוא מסביר. "בה בעת, המפלגה ממשיכה להחזיק בעמדות קיצוניות בנוגע לאיסור ברית מילה וייבוא בשר כשר, והיא טרם התמודדה בצורה רצינית עם עברה הניאו־נאצי והאנטישמיות בקרב חברי המפלגה". לדבריו, המפלגה לא הביעה חרטה על התנהגותה ארוכת השנים כלפי ניצולי שואה, דבר שהופך את תמיכתה בישראל למפוקפקת.

נבו קולמן נכנס לתפקיד בקיץ 2021, בשלהי אחד המשברים הארוכים והקשים ביותר בתולדות יחסי ישראל־שוודיה. שתי המדינות היו אז בתקופה של איחוי ביחסים שהגיעה אחרי ההכרה השוודית במדינה פלסטינית ב-2014 ושנים של התבטאויות קשות, לצד החזרת שגרירים ועוצר ביקורים. "זה היה תהליך ממושך" אמר נבו קולמן. "היתה הבנה שוודית שהם הלכו רחוק מדי עם ההכרה במדינה פלסטינית. הצעד לא שינה שום דבר בשטח ולא תרם לאינטרס השוודי שהיה להצטייר כשותף הגון שמקובל על שני הצדדים".

אלא שתהליך שיקום היחסים עבר טלטלה נוספת לאחר מתקפת חמאס ב-7 באוקטובר. "עכשיו אי אפשר לקדם אג'נדה מעבר לסכסוך", אמר השגריר, אך גם הביא גרסה אופטימית לאירועים. "פתאום אנחנו רואים שגם בנושא הליבה יש הסכמה: היחס לחמאס, הזכות של ישראל להגן על עצמה, החזרת החטופים, המאבק בהאשמות ברצח עם ונושאים אחרים". נבו קולמן מסביר כי לישראל ולשוודיה יש עמדות דומות בתחומים רבים. "ההתבטאויות השוודיות חוזרות בעקביות על זכותה של ישראל להגן על עצמה ועל קריאה לשחרורם המיידי של כל החטופים". הוא אף הוסיף כי שר החוץ השוודי הודיע שיבקר באזור בזמן הקרוב. "זה יאפשר כמובן דיאלוג ישיר ופורה על כל הנושאים שעל הפרק", מסכם השגריר.

Israel and Norway: An Icy Relationship

Norway is seen by many as one of the most hostile European countries toward Israel. But the government in Oslo is veering between demands that it toughen its line against Israel and its actions in Gaza – and the fact that Norway is a major arms exporter

Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-04-11/ty-article-magazine/.premium/israel-and-norway-a-schizophrenic-relationship/0000018e-c7a3-dc93-adce-eff3a37e0000

In recent months, some Israelis have declared Norway the European country most hostile to Israel. This theory is largely based on the policy of Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide, whose term began only a few days after the October 7 Hamas attacks. Barth Eide, a member of the Labour Party, is doing his second stint as foreign minister for the second time, having served in the role in 2012 and 2013. He has also briefly served as defense minister and climate and environment minister.

The list of Israeli grievances against him and his government is long. First came a report that Barth Eide's ministry had prevented King Harald V from sending a condolence letter to Israel after October 7 – because in Norway, the king isn't authorized to make declarations concerning "victims of a political conflict."

This was followed by a condemnation of Israel two weeks later at an international conference in Cairo. Norway's decision not to recognize Hamas as a terror organization also drew anger. In addition, Norway insisted on continuing to transfer money to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, the UN agency assisting Palestinian refugees, while several other countries halted their support in response to reports that some of its employees had been involved in the October 7 attacks.

Norway not only continued to transfer money but initiated a campaign to defend UNRWA in other countries. Meanwhile, Norway has been active in the lawsuit against Israel in the International Court of Justice over the occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which is separate from the South African suit accusing Israel of genocide.

Espen Barth Eide on a Stockholm visit, June 2024, photo: David Stavrou

"We are friends of Israel," says the foreign minister, clarifying his position in an interview. "We always have been and we will continue to be. Sometimes good friends need to give good advice, but we are in no way hostile to Israel. We have always tried to help Israel live in peace and security." When asked to explain why Norway is nevertheless seen by many in Israel as hostile, he says that despite the friendship, his country can disagree with the Israeli government.

"We condemned the attack by Hamas on October 7 and we recognize Israel's right to defend itself against terrorism," he says, "but we also said that, like any other country, Israel must obey the laws of war within the international humanitarian laws of the Geneva Convention. Our criticism was that some of the military tactics that Israel used, and the de facto partial blockade on the Gaza Strip that prevented food, electricity, and necessary means of life from the Gaza population, were very problematic. This is not hostility towards Israel; it's criticism towards certain elements of the government's policy."

Among the issues Barth Eide mentions are statements by Israeli cabinet ministers who "gave the impression, which is probably wrong, that Israel wants to expel the Palestinians from Gaza. There have been such statements in Israel and they are very problematic when they come from government ministers."

Although several countries stopped transferring funds to UNRWA, Norway continued to transfer funds and demanded that other countries do so too. Do you not believe the Israeli authorities who reported that UNRWA employees were involved in the October 7 attack, or do you think this is not a sufficient reason to stop funding the organization?

"Our decision is not based on a lack of trust in the Israeli claim. Although we haven't seen evidence, that's not the point, because it may indeed be true. It may be that amongst 13,000 employed in Gaza, there were some who were involved with Hamas and even in the terrorist attack. This is terrible, unacceptable and it requires an investigation, we said this to the UN Secretary-General Guterres and to [UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe] Lazzarini.

"But we did not agree that if this is true, all funding should be cut," he says. "This is not how to react to transgressions or crimes inside organizations. You don't close the organization, you look for the criminals. If someone in the Oslo police force is arrested on suspicion of murder, I will not shut down the police but arrest the suspect. We are happy to see that there are now countries that have changed their position on this – Australia, Denmark, Sweden, and Canada, for example, as well as the European Commission. It's not that we don't believe Israel, but we don't think that all Palestinians should be punished because of it."

Regarding UNRWA as a whole, Barth Eide does not accept claims that the organization is problematic and that aid for Palestinians should flow through other organizations instead. "A vast majority of the other international organizations operating in the region say that it's not possible to replace UNRWA in the short term," he says, "because they are the backbone for all humanitarian activities in Gaza, so all organizations are coordinating with them."

In November you declared, "We were clear in stating that Hamas should be seen as a terror organization." Is this, as opposed to the past, now Norway's official policy, including when it comes to enforcing the law, economic sanctions, etc.?

"The terrorist attack on October 7 was clearly a terrorist attack and it was carried out by Hamas, so in this context they carried out a very grave terrorist act. However, we have a standing position that maintains some kind of contact with all the relevant groups. This does not mean that we accept their goals or their policies, but we think that if we are trying to contribute to a cease-fire between the Israeli army and Hamas, someone has to talk to Hamas. This is not an endorsement of Hamas, but only an acknowledgment that they exist.

"The way to weaken Hamas is to develop an alternative path to a Palestinian statehood. People who contributed to the division of Palestinian society served Hamas and those who did not want progress. We do not want a Palestine under the control of Hamas, but a Palestine who recognizes Israel under the control of other Palestinians who recognize Israel and its right to life and security."

So are you in contact with Hamas?

"Yes, we are in contact with Hamas, as we are in contact with Hezbollah, with the Houthis, and everybody else in the neighborhood. And that is why we didn't impose the same sanctions that other countries imposed –but this should not be understood as endorsement of their goals and policies." Barth Eide adds, without specifying exactly to whom he is referring, that "There are people in the world who criticize us for this in public, but are actually happy that this is the case, because someone has to maintain these contacts".

What is your current position regarding the South African lawsuit in The Hague and its results?

"I commended the fact that Israel decided to respond to the lawsuit. We did not respond to the initiative itself, but given that the lawsuit exists, it's good that Israel responded, it's good that it recognizes the authority of the court and it's clearly its right to defend itself against the accusations. The court did not conclude that there is a genocide here, but that there are sufficient elements that may constitute a violation of the Convention on the Prevention of Genocide, and Israel should respond and inform the court what steps it is taking to comply with the limitations applicable to a country at war. It isn't illegal to go to war in self-defense, but there are laws on how to do it.

"There is of course another ICJ case dealing with the Israeli occupation. Unlike the genocide case, in the occupation case, we have actually intervened." Indeed, Norway was one of 50 countries that testified before the court on the matter in late February. "Norway clearly distances itself from Israeli settlers' displacement of and violence against Palestinians on occupied land," Barth Eide says. "The settlements are illegal according to international law… the injustice the Palestinians are being subjected to must stop."

Retail policy

Norway's policy toward Israel also has an economic aspect. Its Foreign Ministry recently issued a warning to Norwegian companies "not to engage in business cooperation or trade that serves to perpetuate the illegal Israeli settlements." Regarding this topic, Barth Eide was quoted in the statement as saying "Norway has long maintained that Israel's settlement policy in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is in violation of international law, including international humanitarian law and human rights, and undermines the prospects of achieving a future Palestinian state and a peaceful resolution of the conflict."

The statement said the recommendation to Norwegian companies was issued against the backdrop of swelling settlement expansion, as well as "increased settlement violence against the Palestinians."

The minister said in the statement that the "Norwegian business community has sought advisory guidelines from the Norwegian authorities. This recommendation makes it clear that Norwegian companies should be alert to the fact that engaging in any economic or financial activity in the illegal Israeli settlements could put them at risk of contributing to violations of international humanitarian law and human rights."

This policy has already had practical consequences. "A week ago, Norway's foreign minister sent an 'information letter' to the Norwegian Confederation of Business and made it clear that doing anything that would benefit organizations that contribute to the illegal occupation in Israel is not in keeping with Norwegian policy," says Leif Knutsen, the media coordinator for Norway's Jewish community. "He also sent this letter to Vinmonopolet, Norway's government-owned alcoholic beverage retailer monopoly. Vinmonopolet then immediately called for an emergency board meeting, which decided to take all wines from the West Bank and the Golan Heights off the shelves."

Knutsen says that this step may be illegal in the context of European Union or World Trade Organization rules, especially in the case of the Golan Heights. "It's a policy change that Barth Eide dictated from his own desk, not via the cabinet or the parliament, as foreign policy conducted via retail," says Knutsen. "One of the results of this is that in practice, Jews in Norway who want wine [that] is kosher for Pesach will find it hard to get hold of it."

Barth Eide clarifies that "Vinmonopolet can import other Israeli wines if it chooses to," and adds: "We have economic relations with Israel and we want to continue to maintain them. But we have been arguing for years that our economic relations with Israel should be with the Israel within the 1967 borders. This is not new. Now, we are strengthening our advice to Norwegian businesses – feel free to buy and sell in Israel, but not in what fuels the occupation, which I think everyone, except the Israeli government, recognizes is illegal.

"This is not a very radical policy," he says. "But [it exists] to be consistent with our own policy of not financially contributing to human rights violations and violations of international law. We do not go into the specifics, we give general advice. So it was the board of Vinmonopolet who made this decision."

In spite of all that, it seems that the Norwegian economy isn't paying a particularly high price for the government's moral stance. Trade relations with Israel haven't slowed dramatically, and the calls for a boycott of Israel are more symbolic than concrete.

According to Mette Johanne Follestad, president of the Norwegian-Israeli Chamber of Commerce, "For decades, Norway's main export to Israel [has been] fish. More than 80 percent of all imported salmon to Israel is from Norway. To a much smaller extent, Norway also exports metals and paper. Israel's main export to Norway is agricultural products – i.e., fruits and vegetables. Israel also exports to Norway technological products such as computer items. Those two sectors cover most of the Israeli imports to Norway."

She adds that despite political tensions, Norwegian fish exports to Israel have continued to grow in recent years. Exports from other industries have not increased for some time, however. "The political climate in Norway regarding Israel is not helpful for the promotion of business and especially for initiating new lines of trade. It seems that the anti-Israel sentiment has created a reluctance to develop new business relations with Israel.

"Even so, some trade continues to grow. In 2022-2023, Israeli imports to Norway increased from 1.649 billion kroner (570 million shekels) to 1.801 billion, reaching record figures in both years. Norwegian exports to Israel were also at a record level in 2022 at 2.644 billion krone. Unfortunately, Norwegian exports to Israel decreased to 2.313 billion kroner in 2023."

In addition to the recommendation of the Norwegian government to boycott Israeli products from the West Bank, Follestad also notes that universities in Norway are calling for an academic boycott against Israel, although the Norwegian government is against it. Knutsen adds that Norway has seen many calls for various types of boycotts against Israel. In Norwegian academia, for example, some universities have severed ties with academic institutions from Israel. One example is Oslo Metropolitan University, commonly known as OsloMet, which decided not to continue a student exchange program with the University of Haifa. "This is a case where the institution's board of directors made the decision," says Knutsen. "They claim that it's not a boycott but a decision not to continue a program, but this is a game of semantics."

Knutsen sees the decision as a clear violation of fundamental academic freedom that was meant to appease activists wishing to silence anyone disagreeing with them. According to reports, OsloMet is not alone, with the University of South-East Norway deciding to end its academic and research collaborations with the Hadassah College of Technology in Jerusalem over the war in Gaza.

The boycotting isn't limited to academia. Knutsen says there has been a flood of calls for boycotts of Israeli products in recent months. Some trade unions and local municipalities, including Oslo, have called for boycotts or announced them. "They're very careful to say that they're not boycotting Israel, they're only boycotting organizations and cooperation that contribute to the settlements, particularly in the West Bank," she says. "However, it's not always clear what exactly that means and what it is that they're not buying. It seems like virtue signaling for a domestic audience."

When it comes to big money, however, Norway is in no rush to cut off every investment that could somehow be connected to the occupation and the settlements. On this subject, it's interesting to consider Norway's Oil Fund, which invests the surplus revenue from the country's oil sector in what has become the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world. The fund, which holds about $1.5 trillion, has previously withdrawn investments in Israeli companies. However, according to various reports, it still has investments in some 70 Israeli companies totaling billions of dollars. Now it's examining whether to withdraw investments from companies connected to the occupation and settlements, mainly entities like Israeli banks and financial institutions.

"This is discussed widely here," says Barth Eide. "Our recommendations are also relevant to investments in the Oil Fund. The ethical committee of the fund is looking into the matter. It's complicated, because, for example, when there is ownership in a bank, the bank may have activities both in Israel and in the occupied territories, so it's complicated, it's a question of to what grade, and the government doesn't go into the details of every portfolio. The fund has a board of directors and it also has a wider management and an ethics committee. They are the ones who decide."

Sell and forget

In spite of the many steps aimed at pressuring Israel, there are voices in Norway arguing that the government isn't doing enough to oppose Israel and support the Palestinians. Pro-Palestinian organizations say the Norwegian arms industry, a large part of which is government-owned, has found ways of bypassing the prohibition against selling weapons to countries at war. Could Norway be trying to enjoy the best of both worlds, portraying itself as the enthusiastic defender of the Palestinians while avoiding missing out on the profits made from its relationship with Israel?

"There is a clear definition of what a Norwegian weapon is," says Barth Eide. "It's a weapon that is manufactured in Norway or at least the main component is manufactured in Norway. This is an international definition. In this sense, it's forbidden to export Norwegian weapons to countries that are at war like Israel and we have no reason to believe that there has been violation of this." However, the foreign minister clarifies that since Norway has a large arms industry, Norwegian companies also own companies abroad –and here, the government's control is more limited. The same is true of other countries.

"Besides, there are also joint projects in which we produce parts for weapons made by other countries," says Barth Eide. "For example, we manufacture some minor parts for F-35 aircraft. Norwegian laws do not apply here because it would simply create a situation where international defense cooperation would be impossible." Barth Eide says Norway doesn't sell weapons to Israel and that he has called on other countries to follow its example to ensure there is no indirect complicity in what potentially may constitute genocide.

However, some say that Norwegian companies, including at least one that is half-owned by the government, are bypassing this government policy. The online daily magazine Verdens Gang reported in November that Norwegian-produced components may be used in missiles that Israel is firing in Gaza. The publication reported that since Norway allows the exportation of weapons components to NATO countries like the U.S., the parts could be used to assemble weapons exported to Israel according to American regulations.

That's how, according to the newspaper, Chemring Nobel is one of the manufacturers of rocket fuel for Hellfire missiles, which the U.S. supplies to Israel for use in the war in Gaza. Reports that this company produces rocket fuel and explosives for missiles used by the Israel Defense Forces aren't new and have appeared in various Norwegian media outlets in the past.

In response to the Verdens Gang report, Chemring Nobel's CEO said he couldn't rule out the possibility that Norwegian components are included in the weapons systems used in Gaza, Ukraine, or other places. This is because several of Norway's allies permit the export of defense products to Israel, in contradiction with Norwegian export policy.

The Nordic Ammunition Company (aka Nammo), another Norwegian company, has also been accused of selling weapons to Israel. Ownership of Nammo is divided between the Norwegian government and a Finnish company named Patria, itself half-owned by a Norwegian company whose largest stockholder is the government. In December, the Norwegian public broadcaster reported that pro-Palestinian activists had blocked the entrance to the company's factory in Raufoss, saying that "Nammo's weapons are helping to kill Palestinians in Gaza." According to the demonstrators, M141 shoulder-fired missiles exported by Nammos' factory in Arizona to Israel are being used in Gaza. The company denied the claims, saying the weapons were sold to the U.S. military up until 10 years ago, which was the extent of its involvement.

In response to a request for comment, a Nammo spokesperson wrote: "We have also seen media reports about U.S.-made Nammo products in Israel. Given that sales of these products took place several years ago and were made to U.S. authorities, we're not in a position to confirm reports of later transfer from the US to Israel, nor are we privy to knowledge about which weapons or materiel the Israeli military uses."

Asked whether there is oversight over the use of the weapons parts the company exports to other countries (such as by means of an End-User Certificate), the spokesperson wrote: "Nammo is subject to export control laws in the countries where we have operations, including Norway, which does not permit exports of Norwegian-produced products to Israel. For export license requests to countries where exports from Norway are permitted, end-user documentation or certificates are normally part of the list of required documents."

Chemring Nobel declined to respond to a request for comment.

Mediation and boycott

"Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2023," the latest edition of the annual report by the respected independent watchdog Stockholm International Peace Research Institute provides context regarding Norway's arms industry. The think tank is dedicated to research into conflicts, armaments, arms control, and disarmament. Its publications are considered highly reliable sources on the global arms trade, although the institute acknowledges that complete information on deals in the field is hard to obtain. In the 2023 report, Norway is 19th on its list of the 25 largest exporters of major arms – all the more notable because of the country's small population of 5.5 million. According to the report, imports of major arms by European countries increased by 94 percent – nearly double – in 2014-18 and 2019-23.

More than half of European arms imports in 2019-23, 55 percent, were from the U.S., up from 35 percent in 2014-18. Arms imports to countries in Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East also increased significantly in 2019-23. The top arms importers in this period were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Ukraine, Pakistan, Japan, Egypt, Australia, South Korea, and China. Israel was 15th on the list. Almost 70 percent of its arms imports were from the United States – the world's top arms exporter, whose total arms exports rose 17 percent. Russia's exports, in contrast, fell 53 percent, losing its spot as the second-largest arms exporter to France and dropping to third place. The U.S., France, and Russia were followed by China, Germany, Italy, Britain, Spain, and Israel (in ninth place).

Countries in the Middle East accounted for 30 percent of arms imports in 2019-23. Saudi Arabia, the world's second-largest arms importer, received 8.4 percent of global arms imports during this period. With a global share of 7.6 percent, arms imports by Qatar increased 396 percent during that timeframe. The United States is the region's arms supplier, accounting for 52 percent of Middle East arms imports; following it are France (12 percent), Italy (10 percent,) and Germany (7.1 percent).

Norway shouldn't be on the list at all, since its regulations prohibit arms exports to countries in a state of war. Therefore, the countries leading the list of imports from Norwegian companies in this field are the United States, Ukraine, and Lithuania. After Russia's invasion of Ukraine and given Norway's special interest in helping to repel it, the Norwegian government passed a resolution allowing direct arms sales to Ukraine. Also, Norwegian law allows the provision of military aid to countries at war, as opposed to the sale of weapons for commercial purposes.

"The defense and weapons market in Norway is highly regulated," Nicholas Marsh, a senior researcher at the Oslo Peace Research Institute, says. "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issues export permits and customs checks the products that cross the border. The trading partners in this area are mainly NATO countries and [other] developed and democratic countries, such as Australia. The main principle according to which export licenses are granted was already formulated in the late 1950s, in the declaration of the Norwegian Parliament according to which it is forbidden to sell weapons or ammunition to areas that are at war, under threat of war, or in civil war. Beyond that, Norway is also subject to the International Arms Trade Control Treaty and EU guidelines." Although Norway is not an EU member, it has accepted the EU's guidelines in this field.

"Norway's defense and weapons industry doesn't have a huge effect on the national economy. Obviously, it's much less important than oil and gas in terms of Norway's gross domestic product. However," Marsh adds, "Norway doesn't produce much. For example, unlike Sweden, we don't have a large high-tech industry, so in terms of production and employment, [the defense] sector is important. There are two major companies, Nammo and Kongsberg, both partly owned by the Norwegian government."

What about Norwegian companies with subsidiaries in other countries? Are they subject to Norwegian law, or to the laws of the countries in which they manufacture the arms?

"When it comes to subsidiaries, things get complicated. Hypothetically, if a Norwegian company buys a company abroad, Norwegian regulations don't apply to it. It only applies to products that leave Norway. However, Norwegian export regulations can be applied if a product that is manufactured in, say, the United States, uses parts that were made in Norway or even uses software or technical plans [that] are Norwegian intellectual property."

When Norway exports arms, is it considered standard to demand an end-user certificate?

"Like other countries, Norway also uses end-user certificates, but more important are the conditions of sale documents. This is how companies define, among other things, who they allow their products to be sold to. It is not only a matter of maintaining human rights, it is also a commercial matter. But in the case of NATO countries, Norway has repeatedly made it clear that it does not request end-user certificates. This is a political statement and it has been repeated over the years.

"Thus, since Norway can sell to France, the United States, and the United Kingdom, for example, and since it does not require an end-user certificate from these countries that export to countries like Saudi Arabia, the situation is that the government can claim that there are no weapons in countries at war that have 'Made in Norway' on them, but It's certainly possible that there are weapons that have Norwegian parts or are produced by subsidiaries of Norwegian companies. It should be remembered that the arms industry is partially owned by the government, which has both an economic and a political interest here, so there is a balance between principled considerations and practical consideration," Marsh says.

"This has characterized Norway for a long time," Marsh adds, summing up what he calls Norway's dualistic nature. "The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded here and there is political emphasis on peace talks, diplomatic efforts, solidarity, and humanitarian activity. But on the other hand, Norway has been a NATO member from the very beginning, and since World War II it has a strong military which is part of a military alliance that opposes Russia. As a small country, its interest is to promote peace, but it has never been a pacifist country."

When Barth Eide is asked about the future of Israel-Norway relations, he says that although there are ups and downs, his country still formally has a central role in the region because it's the chair of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee, the body that coordinates international economic aid to the Palestinian Authority. Established in 1993, it has 16 members, led by Norway and sponsored by the United States and the European Union.

"After a cease-fire, this will again be the key body for discussing the coordination of donations to build the Palestinian Authority," Barth Eide says. "That is why we worked with the Israeli government to find a solution to the problem of the clearance revenues collected by Israel on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. This shows that we can still work with Israel and with Ramallah to solve problems." This is a reference to the temporary arrangement facilitated by Norway between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, in which Norway serves as an intermediary for the portion of tax and customs revenues that Israel has withheld since October 7.

In a broader context, Barth Eide still holds to the policy he held in the past. "I believe and have believed for many years that the best path to peace is an agreement with the Palestinians," he says, "not with Hamas, of course, but with the Palestinian Authority, with Fatah and the PLO. Israel will be more successful in its attempt to be both a state for Jews and a democratic state if it has a Palestinian state by its side. Everything we do on this issue is intended to end suffering but also to establish a Palestinian state that is run by a legitimate authority after an agreement. This is a goal that is good for both the Israelis and the Palestinians."

Follestad, the president of the Norwegian Israeli Chamber of Commerce, stresses that any boycott, including one only on Israeli products from the West Bank, would be primarily damaging to Norway's position as an honest broker. "Ever since the Oslo Accords were negotiated in our country, Norway has tried to be a mediator and bring the sides closer to peace," she says. "By boycotting Israeli products from the West Bank, which according to the Oslo Accords is still legally under Israeli jurisdiction, the Norwegian government, by not respecting the signed agreements, is itself violating the spirit of the Oslo Accords. Accordingly, Norway's opinion may no longer be respected by Israel, and Norway may become irrelevant as a mediator in the conflict."