The state of antisemitism in Sweden

As Sweden is marking 250 years of Jewish life, the reactions to the October 7th massacre, the war in Gaza and the tone of the rhetoric in the public debate are reasons to be concerned about Swedish antisemitism. But what is the true extent of this scourge, what is its impact on Sweden’s Jewish community, and how is it being addressed by the authorities? By placing these issues in a broader historical context, David Stavrou’s investigation, which we are publishing as part of our partnership with the DILCRAH, seeks to answer these questions.

Published in K. in English: https://k-larevue.com/en/sweden/ and in French: https://k-larevue.com/antisemitisme-suede/

In 1973 a young Moroccan army officer named Ahmed Rami arrived in Sweden asking for political asylum. He said he needed protection because he was part of an unsuccessful coup d’état in his homeland the previous summer. More than a decade later, after obtaining asylum in Sweden, Rami started broadcasting Radio Islam, a radio program which subsequently turned into a newspaper and later, a web-site. The focus of these enterprises became clear right at the beginning – it was not about Islam; it was about Jews. The radio program and the website featured some of antisemitism’s greatest hits; conspiracy theories about how Jews and Zionists control the world, Holocaust denial, Nazi propaganda, lists of influential Swedish Jews and Israel bashing. During the last three decades, Rami has been investigated, charged, convicted and fined for hate speech and hate crimes and his radio station was shut down by the authorities more than once. Still, now aged 78, Rami’s legacy lives on. He has published books, voiced support for Hezbollah and neo-Nazi groups, his website is still very much alive and the internet allows his work to continue.

Radio Islam is an important landmark in the history of Swedish antisemitism for several reasons. One of them is that the precedential trial which sent Rami to prison for six months also gave a small and relatively unknown Swedish organization called The Swedish Committee Against Antisemitism (SCAA, or SKMA in Swedish) an important role in the Swedish public arena. “SCAA is a religiously and politically unaffiliated NGO which was founded in 1983”, says Mathan Shastin Ravid, the organization’s office manager, “it was founded by a group of activists who wanted to raise awareness about antisemitism. It was a period with a clear wave of antisemitism in Sweden and other European countries during and after the Lebanon War in 1982. Antisemitism was not a new phenomenon in Sweden back then, but this was on a new scale, there were all these accusations with motives and images that targeted not only Israel, but Jews as a group. When the Radio Islam broadcasts started in the end of the eighties, it was clear to us that the radio station was a megaphone for anti-Jewish hatred and propaganda. On the basis of SCAA´s report to Sweden’s Chancellor of Justice, Rami was convicted of hate speech. But it was clear that in those days we stood pretty much alone. Not many people understood the problem, people did not want to talk about it and there were many known figures who came to Rami’s defence saying it was only criticism of Israel, not antisemitism”.

A lot has changed in Sweden since then and SCAA probably has an important part in the change. Shastin Ravid says that since the nineties, the organization has become more than just an activist watchdog. It now also focuses on education. “These days we stand on two legs”, he explains, “one of them is monitoring, information and advocacy, as we try to follow what is happening in Sweden and the world and follow the Swedish and international debate regarding antisemitism. We then react when we see antisemitism in different forms. The other leg is education. We have educational programs for different target groups such as teachers and pupils in Swedish schools, journalists and politicians. We also work with some governmental authorities like the police, which often lack a deeper knowledge of contemporary antisemitism and how it spreads. It is my understanding that there is more awareness in this area today than there was ten years ago and that positive things are happening as part of a higher level of knowledge and consciousness in general in Swedish society today when it comes to antisemitism. But there is still much work to do..”

When Shastin Ravid is asked for an up-to-date description of antisemitism in Sweden, he starts by saying that more research is needed to get a better understanding of the problem. That said, it is clear that in many ways Sweden is not different from other countries. “The development in Sweden is connected to global developments”, he says, “antisemitic conspiracy theories have been spread and legitimized by important political actors in recent years. In Europe we have for example seen it in countries like Hungary and Poland amongst right-wing nationalist parties and governments, but we have also seen it in other countries including the US where amongst others Donald Trump, Elon Musk and the MAGA movement have legitimized and spread antisemitic propaganda. This global phenomenon has affected Sweden too and has sparked hate speech and hate crimes. And then there is, of course, the strong global wave of antisemitism after Hamas’ attack in Israel on the 7th of October 2023 and the war in Gaza. It is not the first time an escalation of the Israel-Palestinian conflict triggers antisemitism in Sweden and other countries, but the level of propaganda, hate, threats and attacks against Jews has been unusually high.”

“Studies show that antisemitism in the form of negative beliefs and attitudes towards Jews exists, in varying degrees, in all Swedish society, in many different groups and milieus. Within Swedish mainstream politics, the problem has long been visible in the right-wing nationalist Sweden Democrats party. For years, the party has tried to portray itself as a party which opposes antisemitism and is pro-Israel, but antisemitism continues to be a problem in the party. We often find high- and low-level representatives of the party spreading antisemitic propaganda and we see many connections between the party and right-wing and even Nazi extremists. In addition, the Sweden-Democrats do not deal with antisemitism within their ranks unless they are exposed by the media, and even then, there are many cases of people within the party who have kept their jobs after they were exposed”. The party’s proclaimed “Zero Tolerance” policy towards racism and extremism, including antisemitism, Shastin Ravid says, is “a joke”.

“But the nationalist and populist right is just part of the problem. Antisemitism does, for example, also regularly appear within the pro-Palestine movement and parts of the Swedish left, where it is often related to Israel and the Israel-Palestinian conflict. In these circles there is sometimes a denial or an unwillingness to see the problem of antisemitism, sometimes rooted in the misperception that Jews are “white” and therefore cannot be victims of racism. In the last year, there has been a big debate in Sweden about the fact that several representatives of the Swedish Left Party have spread antisemitic propaganda, many times on social media. And when criticized, those party representatives have been backed by many others within and around the party who have denied that the propaganda is antisemitic. The SCAA and many others have strongly criticized all of this, and the fact that the party leadership many times has been slow to act and condemn the spread of such anti-Jewish racism and those party members who defend and excuse it.”

“And of course, movements linked to radical Islamism must also be taken into account”, Shastin Ravid adds. According to him, antisemitism is most virulent within those movements and Nazi and other right-wing extremist movements. “For all of them, antisemitism is an ideological foundation, a “worldview,” a way of understanding and describing events both locally and globally. Jews are constantly portrayed as conspirators and blamed for all the world’s ills”. Furthermore, Shastin Ravid adds, “antisemitism has long been a weapon of regimes in the Middle East, where it is deeply rooted, openly expressed, and legitimized. The spread of this type of propaganda via the internet by regimes such as Iran has contributed to the globalization of this hatred. Recently, it was revealed that the Iranian regime is suspected of having planned to murder Swedish Jews, among them Aron Verständig, the chair of the Official Council of Swedish Jewish Communities (Judiska Centralrådet). According to the Swedish Security Services (Säpo), Iran has also recruited Swedish criminal networks to carry out attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets. The Swedish National Centre for Terrorist Threat Assessment (NCT) has reported that the biggest terror threats in Sweden come from violent Islamists and right-wing extremists, which both have Jews and Jewish institutions as some of their primary targets”.

Even without physical violence, Swedish antisemitism is present in the public sphere and one of its main outlets are the numerous demonstrations in support of the Palestinians and denouncing the “genocide” in Gaza. The days right after October 7th, and before the Israeli ground attack on Gaza began, were a good example. While the massacre in southern Israel was still ongoing, there were a couple of spontaneous demonstrations in southern Sweden which included music, dancing and convoys of cars honking their horns in support of the Hamas attack. Right after that, in the course of one weekend in Stockholm, three different organizations demonstrated separately but with similar slogans. A part from the mainstream Pro-Palestinian movements, there were more radical organizations on the streets. One was Hizb ut-Tahrir, a radical Islamic group advocating the creation of a caliphate governed by Sharia law from Uzbekistan to Morocco, with a small branch in Sweden. It was granted permission to demonstrate despite being banned in several countries. Next came the Nordic Resistance Movement, a neo-Nazi group with a few hundred members who demonstrated in support of the Hamas attack. They were followed by the Revolutionary Communist Youth, which claims that Palestinians have the right to “fight by all means against the occupying power to liberate their land.” The latter described the October 7 attacks as an act of liberation that “caught the Zionists in their beds.” Both organizations, one neo-Nazi and the other Marxist-Leninist, support the Palestinian slogan calling for “crushing Zionism.”

Since then, there have been numerous demonstrations in Sweden, many of them on a weekly basis. These demonstrations are legal, the organizers deny that they feature antisemitic content and they are seen by many Swedes as legitimate opposition to Israel and solidarity with Palestinians. However, they often include slogans which are considered antisemitic by many such as supporting a “global intifada” and “crushing Zionism”, promoting antisemitic conspiracy theories and calling for a “Free Palestine from the River to the Sea”.  

Still, demonstrations are not the main concern when it comes to current Swedish antisemitism. There have been numerous reports of activists who have used school classes, universities and even pre-schools to spread radical anti-Israeli political propaganda which is seen by many as antisemitic, the culture world has been full of calls for boycotting Israel and ending cooperation with Israeli artists, the BDS movement which was hardly present in Sweden before the war has been publicly active in promoting boycotts against companies which they claim are complicit with Israel’s “illegal occupation and apartheid politics” and parts of Swedish academia have become hostile to Jewish and Israeli students. In Gothenburg University, for example, activists were allowed to take over the premises of the university’s art and design school and they distributed Hamas propaganda. In Stockholm, Lund and Uppsala there have been reports in Swedish media of pro-Palestinian encampments and so-called “liberated zones” which together with harsh rhetoric from members of senior university staff who are also political activists made students hide their Jewish identity and caused concerns about their safety and well-being.

Demonstration in Stockholm, June 2025

How prevalent are antisemitic crimes?

“Many Jews in Sweden have experienced antisemitism in one way or another”, Shastin Ravid says, “we need more research, but studies have indicated that many Swedish Jews have been targeted by antisemitism and many of them have not reported these incidents. This is also true for other hate crimes, most of them are probably never reported to the police”. Some of the studies Shastin Ravid is referring to were made by the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet, Brå). They show that there is a small and inconsistent increase in the number of reported antisemitic hate crimes over the years, but some years there is a sharp rise. “These are often the years when the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians has escalated, like the last war in Gaza. According to a study from Brå, there was a sharp rise in reported antisemitic hate crimes during the last part of 2023, almost 5 times as many as during the same period the year before”.

But other global events may also have been important in this respect. “The pandemic, for example, brought at least two kinds of antisemitic effects”, Shastin Ravid says, “First, there were accusations against the Jews, who were blamed for starting the pandemic and for profiting from it. Then, there were parts of the anti-vaccination movement which instrumentalized and diminished the Holocaust, claiming that they are treated the same way as the Jews in Nazi Germany. The war in Ukraine also triggers antisemitism on a global scale as do the discussion about Quran burnings and the debate about migration and refugees which fuels the antisemitic so-called replacement theory. These days antisemitic propaganda is often spread online with code words replacing the word Jews. Instead, it is Zionists or Globalist or specific names like Soros or Rothschild. These words are used globally as symbols of a big Jewish conspiracy, and they are widely spread in Sweden too”. 

Another study Shastin Ravid speaks of was made by a government agency called The Living History Forum (Forum för Levande historia), which was founded in the beginning of the 2000s to “work for democracy and equality between all people, using lessons learned from the Holocaust”. According to Shastin Ravid, the study from 2020, showed that there had been a decline in antisemitic attitudes and notions over a period of 15 years, but that antisemitism still exists within different parts of the population. “I think that this is an important point to make”, he says, “the study showed that around 5 % of the respondents displayed antisemitic attitudes with a stronger intensity, which is a rather low figure compared to many other countries. However, if you broaden it and look at the group of people who agreed with one or more of the study’s antisemitic statements, the number is 34 %. This does not mean that 34 % can be said to be antisemitic, but it indicates that antisemitic ideas exist among a bigger part of the population than many think. We should not only focus on the most extreme groups. According to the study, higher levels of antisemitic beliefs correlated among other things with, and were more common amongst people who are: older, have lower levels of education and have a low trust in public institutions. Antisemitic beliefs were also more common among people who have sexist and anti-immigrant attitudes, people who sympathize with the Sweden Democrats party, people who were born outside Sweden or Europe, and people with a Muslim religious affiliation. Another interesting factor is that traditional and Holocaust related antisemitic beliefs tended to be slightly more common among men, and Israel-related antisemitic attitudes and notions tended to be slightly more common among women”. However, Shastin Ravid points out, the study is now a few years old, and many things have happened since that could affect the results of the next study, which is supposed to be published in 2026.

One group which is particularly exposed to antisemitic hatred is the group of school pupils and teachers who in many cases are scared to be open with their Jewish identity. “We have studies from among other places Malmö and Stockholm which show that there are serious problems with antisemitism in some Swedish schools. Sometimes it is related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, sometimes the word Jew is used as a curse and sometimes we see antisemitic conspiracy theories which fascinate youngsters. We also see jokes about the Holocaust, swastikas on benches or lockers, and Nazi salutes. Jewish pupils often feel that their teachers and schools do not take the matter of antisemitism seriously, and they say that there is a lack of knowledge and support. This is something that many Swedish youngsters have told us at the SCAA through the years”.

Sweden is home to the largest Jewish community in Scandinavia. It’s estimated that about 15,000 Jews live in the country which has a population of just over ten million. That said, there are probably many more Swedes who have a Jewish background, as Jewish immigration to Sweden dates back to the 18th and 19th centuries and many have married into Swedish families. The largest community in the country is the one in the capital Stockholm which has three synagogues, including the conservative Great Synagogue adjacent to the Raoul Wallenberg and Holocaust monuments and an office building which houses various Jewish organizations. A few minutes’ walk away, there’s a relatively new cultural centre called “Bajit” which houses a Jewish primary school, a Jewish kindergarten and a variety of Jewish activities for all ages, as well as a Kosher shop and a café. Smaller Jewish communities and associations exist in Malmö, Gothenburg and a couple of other smaller towns. Sweden’s Jewish communities are united under an umbrella organization, the Official Council of Swedish Jewish Communities (Judiska Centralrådet) which usually takes part in national discussions concerning Jewish life in the Swedish Parliament, Government and other authorities.

Since the problem of antisemitism isn’t new to Swedish society, it’s no surprise that in recent years the Swedish government has made many attempts to address it. After decades of ignoring the problem, dismissing and repressing it, recent Swedish governments have put it on their agenda and have tried many different approaches. Petra Kahn Nord who served as the World Jewish Congress’ representative in the Nordic countries, says that the current Swedish government appointed a special inter-ministerial task force in order to combat antisemitism and improve the conditions for Jewish life in Sweden. “This government task force was set up to be a ‘one point of contact’ authority, which is something we’ve suggested before”, she says, “it was founded in January 2023 and the first issue that it focused on was government funding for security for Jewish institutions like synagogues and schools. The second issue was, and still is, addressing antisemitism”. Kahn Nord explains that the previous government had the political will to secure security funding, but the budget mechanism didn’t really work. The current government, however, addressed the issue, increased funding and gave additional funding after October 7th. But protection against violent antisemitic incidents isn’t all that’s needed.

In 2021 Sweden hosted The Malmö International Forum on Holocaust Remembrance and Combating Antisemitism. The conference, hosted by then-Prime-Minister, Social-Democrat Stefan Löfven, asked the participating countries and organization to make concrete pledges that would strengthen Holocaust remembrance and tackle Holocaust distortion, Holocaust denial and contemporary antisemitism. The Malmö forum was seen by many as a natural continuation to the steps another Social-Democratic Prime-Minister, Göran Persson, made twenty years earlier. Persson founded what is now called the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) and initiated the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust which brought together political leaders, state officials, religious leaders, survivors, educators, and historians from around the globe. When Löfven initiated the 2021 events, one of Sweden’s pledges was to form an inquiry on strengthening Jewish life in the country. The idea was that fighting antisemites is one thing, but making Jewish life flourish was another subject. One that has been neglected for many years.

This indeed happened and various issues which Jews in Sweden were concerned about were discussed seriously. These included the threats of illegalizing Jewish circumcision and banning the import of Kosher meat which were supported by some political parties. Another important issue was the status of Jewish schools in Sweden which doesn’t have almost any real private schools. There are so-called independent schools, including a couple of Jewish ones, within a charter system, but because of reports of radicalization in some of Sweden’s independent Muslim schools, new legislation was put in place which affected Jewish schools too. The new legislation imposed the definition of “denominational schools”, and with-it necessary restrictions, on existing Jewish schools. Another concern was an initiative to limit the establishment of new denominational schools. These were all concerns in the Swedish-Jewish pre-October 7th reality. Community leaders were saying then that “Swedish Jews may be able to survive a terror attack, but not legislation forbidding Brit Mila or Jewish schools”.

Today, after October 7th, it’s clear that the majority of political parties, and certainly the ones which are part of the Swedish Government, are committed to addressing these Jewish concerns. Antisemitism, however, is not necessarily a problem which the government can easily address since its origins are well-rooted and widespread in many parts of Swedish society. All recent Swedish governments have therefore realized that combating antisemitism is as complicated as it’s important. And it’s a work in progress. Petra Kahn Nord mentions two major shifts in the last few years. “First, before 2015 it was not acceptable to talk about antisemitism which came from immigrant groups from the Middle-East. This made members of the Jewish community feel abandoned. Sweden has now changed and it’s now possible to talk about it and deal with the problem”, Kahn Nord says, “the second shift has to do with the fact that the populist right-wing Sweden-Democrats party is supporting the government. So far, however, the party hasn’t caused any policy shifts aimed at the Jewish minority. But October 7th created a new reality. We’ve seen an increase in the number of antisemitic incidents in schools and universities, we’ve seen politicians, especially in the Swedish Left, who spread antisemitic propaganda and we’ve seen support for Hamas in demonstrations and online”. Kahn Nord says that schools and social media are a particular concern. “The problem in these arenas is serious”, she claims, “and it can’t be dealt with by using old “action plans” that previous governments suggested. Many of these plans, including pledges made in Malmö four years ago, focused on Holocaust education and educational strategies against racism in general, as opposed to antisemitism as a specific phenomenon. The Malmö Pledges, for example, included the pledge to establish a new Holocaust Museum in Stockholm (which has indeed been opened since then) and another to contribute 5.5 million SEK to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Foundation. “There’s a Swedish tendency to focus on dead Jews”, Petra Kahn Nord says, “perhaps now, especially after October 7th, it’s time to focus on the living ones”.

And indeed, when it comes to living Jews and real concrete Jewish communities, combating antisemitism and taking measures to improve Jewish depends on strong support and clear stands by governments. 

In Sweden, the subject of antisemitism has been on the agenda for decades and different governments have handled it in different ways. Today, the government minister who holds the relevant portfolio is Parisa Liljestrand, a forty-two-year-old minister from the center-right Moderate party. Liljestrand, immigrated to Sweden as a young child from Iran and worked as a teacher and school head-master before getting involved in local politics. In 2022 she received her first post on the national political scene and became Sweden’s Minister of Culture. In an interview conducted in her Stockholm office she explains that one of her responsibilities is addressing issues connected with Sweden’s five national minorities. The minorities and their languages, which are considered official minority languages in Sweden, were recognized in the year 2000 and they include Jews and Yiddish; Roma and Romani Chib; the Sami and the Sami language; the Swedish Finns and Finnish and the Tornedalers and their Meänkieli language.

 “Our government was appointed in October 2022 and the Prime Minister made it clear, as early as his first government statement, that strengthening Jewish life and working against antisemitism would be one of our priorities”, she says, “When we started our work, we decided that we need to understand what’s been done in Sweden today and to listen to the Jewish organizations which are active in Sweden. We wanted to understand what they think is needed. What we found out was that a lot of important work is being done, but there are things which still don’t work and there are things which are lacking. Sweden ranks well in global measurements of antisemitism, but there’s still widespread antisemitism in Sweden which we need to actively fight. This became even more evident after Hamas’s horrific attack on October 7, 2023. As in many other countries, we have seen the threat perception towards Swedish Jews increase, as has open antisemitism. The government takes this very seriously.

But it is not enough to work against antisemitism. We need to strengthen the possibility to live a free Jewish life, both in terms of Jewish culture and in terms of Jewish religious life. This is why we need to gather the work that’s done by different government ministries and by Jewish organizations. When we talked to the organizations, we found that it was sometimes hard to understand who’s responsible for what issue and it was important to make sure that things don’t end up in the wrong place. That’s why we founded the Government Task Force for Jewish Life as an inter-governmental work group which, beside the Prime Minister’s office, has eight more government offices represented in it”.

When asked if the fact that her government is supported by a party with roots in neo-Nazism doesn’t affect her attempts to fight antisemitism, Liljestrand tells a story of one of her meetings. “I met a Jewish father who told me about his son who went shopping while he was wearing a necklace with a Star of David. The father said that when the boy came to the cashier, the person who was working there told him that he was not welcome in the shop. This story really hurts. This can’t be our reality. This isn’t Sweden. We have a clear mission – making Sweden a free country to live in and supporting those groups who cannot live a de-facto free life here. So, I don’t feel the Sweden-Democrats are stopping me from doing this. I understand that there’s a concern, but I’m clear, and the government is clear in its message. One must remember that antisemitism is about gathering and capitalizing violence from various directions. That’s what makes it different from regular racism”. 

Parisa Liljestrand, Photo by Ninni Andersson Regeringskansliet

Part of the violence Liljestrand is talking about is online and much of it is aimed at young people who have to grow up with it. “It’s extremely serious when antisemitism becomes a natural part of day-to-day life and it isn’t limited to the physical space and instead it’s spread digitally”, Liljestrand says, “it’s worrying and we need to fight it and work towards the goal of not having another generation which is exposed to the same kind of difficulties living a Jewish life or the same kind of antisemitic hate which previous generations were exposed to”.

Liljestrand seems to be serious about this particular aspect of her job. “I myself, with my background, know exactly what it’s like to live in a society which treats you differently if you have a different skin color or if you have a different culture”, she says, “I know what it’s like to fight your way into society and have the will to be part of it while still keeping a part of your culture and heritage”.

When it comes to antisemitism and the struggle against it, Sweden is indeed an interesting case. For much of its post war history, antisemitism wasn’t taken very seriously. Neo-Nazi movements operated freely while the close ties to Nazi Germany were ignored. This came together with a widespread ignorance about the Holocaust, antisemitic attitudes within the Swedish elite and free import of antisemitism with large waves of immigration from other countries. Then, in the last couple of decades, all that changed. Sweden became a world leader of Holocaust education and combating antisemitism. At least that’s what it presents itself as being. But are the museums, task forces, international conferences, research projects and educational initiatives really working? 

On the one hand, it is clear that Sweden is much more aware of the problem and much better equipped to combat it than it has ever been. But any honest assessment of the situation must admit that, in many cases, Swedish schools and universities remain hostile dangerous places for Jewish students and teachers, who continue to suffer from harassment, social pressure and occasionally also violence, while teachers and principals avoid confronting the aggressors. It has been reported that in some schools, Shoah survivors haven’t been invited to share their stories because of the disrespect shown by some students. 

Outside the education system, other problems remain unresolved. Although physical violence against Jewish targets is not common in Sweden, it has occurred and, according to police and the press, it remains possible. Molotov cocktails have been thrown at Jewish cemeteries, funeral homes, and synagogues, the Israeki embassy has been attacked and other cases of physical and verbal assaults against Jews have been documented. 

The resurgence of pro-Palestinian demonstrations since October 7—where strongly antisemitic slogans, signs, and rhetoric have been documented—is also a cause for concern. The scale of the protests against singer Eden Golan’s participation in the Eurovision 2024 final in Malmö made international headlines, but the truth is that although those demonstrations may have been the biggest, they weren’t the most aggressive. 

For many Jews who live in Sweden it’s not about the size of the demonstration and not about the legitimate right to demonstrate. Anyone who’s uncomfortable with these demonstrations can just avoid them. The problem is that when Sweden’s Jews see thousands of people who are collectively calling Israel, which is an important part of their identity, the worse things in the world and promoting a very high level of hate, they know that in that crowd there may be familiar faces – perhaps their children’s pre-school teacher or their local clinic’s nurse or doctor. And it’s not only that. The separation that some of the demonstrators try to make between criticizing Israel and attacking Jews doesn’t always work. When demonstrators wanted to burn an Israeli flag in Malmö in November 2023, they didn’t get on a train and go to Israel’s embassy in Stockholm. They did it outside the local synagogue. A couple of months later protesters from a group called ”Together for Palestine” chanted anti-Israeli slogans at people who were entering Stockholm’s Great synagogue for a Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony. Some of the people who encountered this were Holocaust survivors. The demonstrators demanded that Sweden’s Jews will denounce Israel and its war in Gaza. These events send a message that 250 years after Jews were officially allowed to live and create a community in Sweden, their legitimacy is now conditional. If they speak out against their historic homeland and its government, they are tolerated. If not, all hell may to break loose. 

A look at the Radio Islam website is a thought-provoking experience. It features lengthy texts about subjects like how Jews have controlled Sweden for centuries, how they “instrumentalize the Holocaust” and how racism, hatred and cruelty are the driving forces of the Torah and the Talmud. In a way this brings us full circle. Sweden has gone a long way fighting antisemitism since Radio Islam was persecuted back in the eighties. Since then, Swedish governments, Jewish organizations and civil society organizations have turned Sweden into a country known for its rigorous combat against antisemitism. However, with populist and racist political movements on the rise, with Islamist propaganda on and off-line, with an increasingly aggressive discourse against Israel and Zionism, demonstrations, boycotts, and burnings of flags and books on a weekly basis, it’s now clearer than ever that the fight against antisemitism still has a long way to go.

'In Norway, We Have Yet to Confront the Full Meaning of the Holocaust'

Irene Levin turned the hundreds of notes her mother left behind after her death into a book chronicling the story of Norwegian Jews during the Holocaust.

Published in "Haaretz": https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2025-04-30/ty-article-magazine/.premium/in-norway-we-have-yet-to-confront-the-full-meaning-of-the-holocaust/00000196-804b-dc27-a3df-f2fbf3d80000

When Irene Levin's mother was 96, she left her apartment in Oslo and moved into a Jewish old age home. Levin and her two children wanted her mother's – and their grandmother's – new home to feel like a miniature version of the elegant, meticulously arranged apartment she had lived in for decades. To do so, they moved in the gilded-upholstered furniture, the paintings, the silverware, and the mirrors her mother never passed without briefly checking her reflection. As part of the process, they also cleaned and organized the apartment.

It took Levin more than five years to understand the significance of what she found during that process. "There were notes everywhere," she told Haaretz in an interview. "Some were hidden in piles of newspapers, other were tucked away in drawers, on shelves, and in cupboards. Some had only one or two sentences, others were full pages written in my mother's handwriting. Although they weren't dated, her handwriting showed they spanned different time periods – the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Levin's mother, Fanny Raskow, died in 2013 at the age of 101. "After she passed away, and after I retired, I started reading the notes," Levin recalls. "Mostly the notes were about World War II, but also about her upbringing before the war in a family that had escaped to what is now Lithuania. There were many unfinished sentences, especially those dealing with the arrest and deportation of her father, my grandfather. It's unclear who the notes were meant for. Maybe she wrote for herself, as a way of venting, or perhaps she hoped I would eventually find them. But she never mentioned them".

Levin says the notes revealed the dilemmas and choices her mother faced. "My mother blamed herself all her life for not being able to save her father," she says. "It haunted her constantly, until the end of her life. In all my upbringing there was a silence, and the war was never discussed openly. If it came up, it was always indirectly or through broken, incomplete sentences."

At a certain point, Levin realized that her mother's story was also the story of other Norwegian Jews. The result was her book, ("Vi snakket ikke om Holocaust. Mor, jeg og tausheten," Gyldendal, 2020, literally translated as "We Didn't Talk About the Holocaust: Mother, I, and the Silence"). The English version, titled "Everyday Silence and the Holocaust", was published by Routledge last year.

"My mother was trapped in a history that had been imposed on her, and one that for decades remained almost unspoken in Norwegian society," Levin says. "When I began researching in the National Archives of Norway in Oslo, I tried to see whether other Jewish families' stories were similar to that of my mother. I started asking new questions about my personal history and discovered experiences and events that had always been there, just not talked about.

"As a child, I simply acted on behaviors that seemed normal. As an adult – and as a professional – I began questioning my own story. Are the gaps in the stories significant? The fact that the life of our tiny nuclear family was defined by specific, historical events was something I simply knew. Just as one learns one's mother tongue intuitively, I learned about 'the war'. I lived my whole life in a community of World War II survivors, yet I still didn't really know much, despite believing I knew the whole story."

The story of Irene Levin is, to a great extent, the story of an entire generation of Norwegian Jews. Her grandparents' families emigrated to Norway around 1905 from Lithuania, fleeing poverty, hard conditions, and persecution. Levin explains that this migration differed from that of other Scandinavian countries. While Denmark and Sweden received "Ost-Juden" – Jews from Central Europe – there were already established Jewish communities in those countries. Some were prominent figures in society and openly identified as Jews. In Norway, by contrast, Jews were only permitted to enter starting in the mid-19th century. They were few in number, poor, and mostly uneducated.

Irene Levin's book, with Irene and her mother on the cover.

Less than 40 years after her grandparents arrived in Norway, they and their children had to flee. This time, it was due to the German occupation during World War II, and their destination was Sweden, the neutral and thus safe neighboring country to the east. Levin's parents were among hundreds of Jews who left Norway as the Nazi persecution escalated, peaking in the fall of 1942 when hundreds of Norwegian Jews were deported to Auschwitz.

Levin's parents received help from a neighboring family, and their escape was aided by friends and members of the resistance movement, who hid them from the Gestapo and the Norwegian police in various locations. Their journey took 23 days. Levin's mother was pregnant during the escape, and she gave birth to Irene, her first and only child, in the Swedish town of Norrköping, where the family stayed until the war ended.

After the war, Levin, her mother, and father returned to Norway and began rebuilding their lives. She was less than two and a half years old and doesn't remember Liberation Day, but it's clear to her that even then, silence began to play a significant role.

"We didn't talk about the war," she recalls. "The fact that the family went through a disaster was always present, but it wasn't spoken about. In the 1950s, when I was ten, we could be sitting with guests around the dinner table, and someone might suddenly say something like, 'It was Norwegian police who made the arrests, not the Germans.' And someone would reply, 'It doesn't matter, we're not getting them back either way.' Then the conversation would switch to the previous topic, and no one would ask, 'What do you mean?' Everyone knew what it meant, they just didn't talk about it for decades."

Did the silence begin right at the end of the war?

"You can tell from the Norwegian press how knowledge about what had happened slowly evolved. The free press resumed operations as early as May 14, 1945. On the second day, the country's largest newspaper, Aftenposten, asked, 'What happened to our Jews?' The article reported, 'There is reason to fear that many Norwegian Jews have died,' and quickly added that no confirmation had been received. In the weeks that followed, reports ended with phrases like, 'There is no reason to lose hope.' On May 17, the same newspaper reported, 'We have 750 Jews in Germany. So far, we've heard from only nine or ten.' Slowly, the news worsened, and by May 23, it was reported that the Jews had been taken to 'the notorious concentration camp Auschwitz.'

"After a while, the topic was no longer written about. It resurfaced in the trials of Norwegians who had collaborated with the Nazis, and in the court case of the Norwegian traitor Vidkun Quisling [a Nazi collaborator who headed the government of Norway during the country's occupation by Nazi Germany] where two survivors testified. One of them, the later well-known psychiatrist Leo Eitinger, told of Jews being gassed. When asked by the judge if Norwegian Jews were treated in the same way, he answered 'Yes, I swear to God.'"

The outcome of the war was catastrophic for Levin's family. Thirty-two members of her extended family, including her maternal grandfather, were murdered in Auschwitz. Her grandfather was deported along with hundreds of other Norwegians –men, women, and children – on November 26, 1942. Levin's mother tried to spare him by putting him in a hospital but he was taken from there, arrested and, the next day, loaded onto the ship SS Donau. After four days in its cargo hold, he and the others arrived in Stettin, where they were crammed into cattle cars. On December 1, they reached Auschwitz-Birkenau. Levin's grandfather's exact fate remains unknown. He was one of an endless number of victims who didn't survive and never returned to Norway.

The facts about World War II in Norway and the fate of its Jews are well-known. On the eve of the war, Norway had around 2,800,000 inhabitants, of whom about 2,400 were Jews, including around 500 from other nationalities. During World War I, Norway had remained neutral, and hoped to maintain neutrality again during World War II. But events took a different turn. A Norwegian fascist party, Nasjonal Samling (The National Union), founded in 1933 by officer and politician Vidkun Quisling, offered the Nazis cooperation in taking over the country. Germany invaded Norway and Denmark on April 9, 1940, in Operation Weserübung. Denmark surrendered within hours, while battles in Norway lasted around two months before the German victory, achieved after the Allied forces retreated and Narvik – a strategic port used for shipping iron ore from Sweden – was captured.

As the Germans occupied the country, the Norwegian king and government fled and formed a government-in-exile in London. Civilian rule in Norway was overtaken by Nazi official Josef Terboven, appointed Reichskommissar by Hitler. Terboven governed through a pro-German puppet government headed by Quisling. The Norwegian parliament was dissolved, all parties banned except Quisling's, and the judiciary was subordinated to German control.

Persecution of the Jews began with sporadic decrees early in the occupation. In 1941, arrests were made, property confiscated, and some Jews were executed on false charges. In 1942, mass arrests of hundreds of Jews were carried out, most of whom, including Levin's grandfather, were transported on the SS Donau to Auschwitz. Another ship, the MS Gotenland, transported 158 more Jews to the same destination in February 1943. In total, 772 Norwegian Jews were arrested or deported. The oldest among them 80, the youngest an 8-week-old baby. Fewer than 40 came back. Those who survived the war had mostly escaped to neutral Sweden or Britain.

The facts were known for decades, but their meaning has been the subject of public debate – one that Irene Levin, after publishing her book, is now central to. Levin is a professor emeritus of social sciences at Oslo Metropolitan University. Her work started in the area of family studies with emphasis on new family forms and gender studies. In recent years, she has moved her area of research into history and Holocaust studies and has been closely connected to the Norwegian Center for Holocaust and Minority Studies, including working with surveys on antisemitism. She has worked with Soviet Jewry and been active in applying for Norwegian non-Jews receiving the Righteous Among the Nations award, granted by Yad Vashem.

Her recent book adds to numerous other publications she's written or edited, covering topics from social sciences to remembrance, and the Holocaust in Norway. Her new book generated considerable attention in Norway. Positive reviews appeared in major newspapers; she was interviewed by media and gave lectures across the country for over a year. Headlines focused on themes like "The Holocaust That Always Sat Within the Walls" or "The Mother Who Dealt with Trauma Through Silence." Critics noted that Levin "presents her family's history as a gateway to understanding the Jewish tragedy in Norway," "gives us a micro-history that opens wounds – with painful, terrifying details," and "breaks the silence, telling dramatic stories of fate."

Is the silence of the survivors and Norwegian society similar to that of survivors in other countries, or does it have unique characteristics?

"The phenomenon of silence is not unique, but circumstances vary. What's special about Norway is that it had a small number of Jews and geographically, with the long border with Sweden and the long coastline to England, one would think that it would be possible to hide more".

"Moreover, Norwegian Jews loved Norway. They learned the language and embraced the culture; they embraced the Norwegian love of nature and even changed their surnames to make them easier for their neighbors to pronounce. That's why what happened shocked them. They told themselves that they were arrested by the Gestapo – when, in fact, it was the Norwegian police.

"My mother always said: 'It took such a long time until we really understood, Irene.' Those who survived and returned weren't like the other Norwegians coming back after the war – the resistance fighters or political exiles. They weren't heroes. They won the war. The Jews had not won the war. They were deported or fled because of who they were, not what they did – and that came with a sense of shame. They asked themselves, 'What kind of Norwegians are we now?'"

Levin explains that other elements were involved. Some blamed themselves for failing to save relatives. They were grief-stricken, and many had to face the painful, often unsuccessful process of reclaiming seized property. Homes and businesses had been confiscated or auctioned off. Only in the 1990s, following a media campaign and the creation of a restitution committee, did Norwegian society begin to seriously reckon with the Holocaust. Survivors received compensation, and the Norwegian Center for Holocaust and Minority Studies was established.

"Until the 1990s, the story of the Jews was not integrated into the national historical narrative," Levin says. "It's not that people didn't know what happened – there were books and survivor testimonies – but Jews were not part of the main story. The Holocaust in Norway was like an appendix to Norwegian history, not part of the official narrative."

So, if the Holocaust wasn't part of Norway's war story, would it be accurate to say that Norway didn't take responsibility for what happened to its Jews?

"In three major historical books that shaped the narrative and were published in 1950, the extermination of the Jews was described merely as a 'detail'. Later, in the 1980s, six volumes titled 'Norway at War' asked: What happened to the Jews? The answer is mostly covered in the third volume, spanning 18 pages with photos. In the final section, the question is raised – could more have been done to help the Jews? could they have been warned about what deportation meant? the answer the book gives is that Jews in all occupied countries and even in the free world underestimated the cruelty of the SS. That is, responsibility was ultimately shifted to the Jews themselves – because they didn't resist arrest.

"When I first read these, I thought that they did the same as my mother, blaming herself for her father's arrest, as did society at large. Both the minority and the majority put the responsibility on the Jews. But I realized that when my mother blamed herself, she was taking the burden on herself, bearing the responsibility – as a Jewish woman and a daughter. When the author, as a representative of society, blamed the Jews, it was the opposite: it was the removal of responsibility."

Irene in her mother's arms, 1943.
Irene Levin and her mother on 1943. Photo: Irene Levin

Do you think this perspective still echoes in Norway in 2025, amid rising antisemitism and claims that Norwegian society is abandoning its Jews?

"For the Jews in Norway [the community numbers approximately 1,500 people], October 7 is an echo from the war, while knowing that it was not the same and that the Holocaust is unique. But Norwegian society at large did not hear the same echo. They only heard the voice from Hamas and very quickly defined the attack as a continuity of occupation.

"It was a shock that the empathy that the Jews in Norway had earned due their history during the war, suddenly disappeared. I never thought that during my lifetime, I would experience a rise of antisemitism. When researching the Holocaust and antisemitism, I was doing it as something belonging to the past to ensure it would not happen again. Suddenly, the Jewish state was attacked and its legitimacy was at stake. The Jewish voice has lost its legitimacy.

"My grandmother would always tell me: 'Die Juden sind schuldig' – the Jews are to blame, always. I thought that was relevant to the shtetl, not my everyday life. There is a shift in the perception of responsibility and legitimacy – the focus has changed, and it is no longer in our favor. I demonstrated on Women's Day and my fellow feminists didn't allow us to participate! They questioned whether there were even sexual assaults on October 7; and if they did accept that they happened, they minimized their significance, treating it as something that 'naturally' happens in every war.

"In my research on silence, an important factor is the interaction between the individual and society. After World War II, it was not only the Jews who were silent. The society at large was silent, too, but for different reasons. The space the minority has is shaped by the majority. It took Norwegian society 50 years before it recognized its responsibility in the atrocities. In the current situation, the Jewish voice has little legitimacy and the connection with society at large is of distrust. But can we Jews wait for the society to show us such a space? We have to take it. In that sense, it's like a revolution."

At the end of the interview, Levin returns to the topic of silence, which she sees as the common thread between the biographical and the historical. It's a silence shared by many survivors of the war, but Levin suggests that it is an even broader phenomenon.

"If you had asked me about the Holocaust while I was growing up – if you had asked me whether I knew about the war and what happened to the Jews – I would have said yes," she says. "But today I know that I didn't know. I didn't have the details; I didn't know what really happened. What I had was a sense that a catastrophe had occurred, and that it had happened to the Jews. Nothing more.

"And maybe that's similar to other disasters, like what happened on October 7. Even though information spreads much faster today, the feeling is similar. We know a disaster occurred, we think we understand it, but as time passes, we realize in hindsight that we didn't know everything, that we didn't grasp the scope, and that we still haven't dealt with all the implications."

This Swedish Academic Center Was Named After a Jew. Now, His Name Is Gone

'Part of a dangerous trend of taking antisemitism out of the Holocaust': A surprise decision to remove the name of Jewish historian Hugo Valentin from the Holocaust research center at Uppsala University has sparked backlash in Sweden's Jewish community
Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/2025-02-03/ty-article-magazine/.premium/this-was-the-only-academic-center-in-sweden-named-after-a-jew-now-his-name-is-gone/00000194-c6af-d533-a3b6-cfafbd030000

STOCKHOLM – Years before the Nazis rose to power, Hugo Valentin, a prominent member of Stockholm's Jewish community, recognized the dangers of Nazi ideology. A historian and scholar, he warned against the "wild psychosis of hatred" as far back as 1930, and even before the outbreak of World War II, he cautioned against the "total eradication of German Jewry." When the Third Reich began implementing the Final Solution, he was among the first to inform the Swedish public that the Jews of Europe were being annihilated. Already in 1942, he wrote in a Swedish daily newspaper that 700,000 Polish Jews had been murdered, and he continued to report about the mass killings of Jews around Europe over the next few years for the Swedish Jewish Chronicle.

Until his death in 1963, Valentin was considered a leading authority on antisemitism. He connected ancient, medieval, and modern antisemitism and argued that "it is not the Jews who are hated, but an imaginary image of them." A pioneer of Swedish-Jewish studies, Valetin was also a vocal supporter of Zionism and of the young state of Israel. In 2009, nearly half a century after his death, Uppsala University – Sweden's oldest institute of higher education and one of its most prestigious – merged its Center for Multiethnic Studies with the Program for Holocaust and Genocide studies. Since Valentin had been a distinguished scholar of the history of the local Jewish community and antisemitism, as well as Nazism and genocide, it seemed only natural to name the center after him.

And so, the Hugo Valentin Center was established – the only academic center in Sweden named after a Jew. Late last year, the university announced that a decision had been taken to change its name: As of January 1 this year, it would be called the Uppsala Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies.

Hugo Valentin apparently got cancelled.

"The removal of Valentin's name is part of a dangerous trend of taking antisemitism out of the Holocaust," said Aron Verständig, chairman of the Council of Jewish Communities in Sweden. Speaking with Haaretz, he described the deceased historian as "the foremost writer of Jewish history in Sweden and one of the first to write about the Holocaust."

Pontus Rudberg, an associate professor of history at Uppsala University who was previously affiliated with the center, was also concerned. "It's disgraceful," he said. "It supports the trend that removes Jewish perspectives and Jewish history from Holocaust and genocide studies. It's also disgraceful because you don't remove the name of the person your institution is named after unless he's done something wrong."

Rudberg said he was surprised by the decision-making process. "I was asked by the director of the center for my opinion in a vague way during an informal meeting a week or two before the decision was made," he told Haaretz. "I said I was against it, but I didn't realize it was an actual process, and I found out about the decision, which was made with no informed and open debate, only when it was published just before the Christmas holidays."

In a protest letter addressed to Anders Hagfeldt, vice chancellor of the university, Professor Emeritus Harald Runblom, another Uppsala historian, wrote that "erasing a name in this context is like tearing down a statue, and it raises legitimate questions. Has he become persona non grata? Is there political opportunism behind this?"

Another letter addressed to the vice chancellor, signed by 93 international scholars, warned that erasing Valentin's name could set in motion "a broader trend of distancing Holocaust and genocide studies from Jewish history" and described the move as "an affront to Hugo Valentin's legacy and a diminution of his remarkable contributions." Among those signed on this letter were the distinguished Holocaust historians Christopher Browning and Jan Grabowski.

Weighing in on the controversy, journalist Nathan Shachar recently penned an op-ed in Dagens Nyheter, a leading Swedish daily, titled "Uppsala University embarrasses itself – does not dare to be linked to Sweden's most famous Zionist." "In the difficult reality since October 7, the center wants to tone down its Jewish affiliation for populist reasons of convenience and avoid being associated with the most famous of Swedish Zionists," he wrote.

Rudberg offered a somewhat different explanation for Valentin's erasure. "It's ignorance, rather than bad intentions," he said, "The people who made the decision don't know much about Valentin. They think he was mostly involved in Jewish history and antisemitism studies. They don't understand he was also a pioneer in Holocaust and Genocide studies."

Still, the decision seems to be in line with the current zeitgeist on campus. In November, a group of 131 university members published a letter in the Swedish daily Aftonbladet demanding that the university cuts all ties with Israeli universities "complicit in the genocide."

The letter was the latest in a series of calls at Uppsala to boycott Israel, and although the university's leaders have refused to bow to such demands from student groups, the fact that many professors and researchers support such sanctions against Israel has many Jews on campus feeling uneasy. Since October 7, the Uppsala campus has emerged as a hotbed of the Swedish pro-Palestinian protest movement. On a number of occasions during the past year, students disrupted university activities and the administration made the decision to summon police over what it perceived as threatening disruptions to campus life.

Several Jewish students, who agreed to speak with Haaretz on condition of anonymity, said they felt protests against Israel have crossed the line into antisemitism. They said that posters sighted at demonstrations and encampments on campus over the past year have supported violent resistance and denied Israel's right to exist.

Asked for comment, Elsa Bådagård from Uppsala University's office for Humanities and Social Sciences, issued the following statement: "Uppsala Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies is a center within the Faculty of Arts, and the decision regarding its name has been made by the faculty board upon request from the board of the Hugo Valentin Center in December 2024.

The different reactions to the name change have been received and noted by the Faculty of Arts. However, since the request originated with the center, the faculty will not overturn its collegial decision on the basis of these opinions. Furthermore, the proposition to change the name has the support of the current employees at the center."

Bådagård insisted that the reason for the name change was that the board wanted it to reflect the primary field of research of the center, which is Holocaust and Genocide Studies. "It was not part of any political agenda, and the name change will not lead to any change regarding the focus of the various activities at the Center," she said, adding that "this is a purely organizational decision, and should not be read as a wish for the Faculty of Arts to distance itself from Hugo Valentin and his work."

Amsterdam Court Convicts Five for Violent Attack on Israeli Soccer Fans

Defendants face prison and community service, while court acknowledges claim that Maccabi Tel Aviv fans were involved in violence but condemns attacks on Israeli soccer fans.

Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-12-24/ty-article/.premium/amsterdam-court-convicts-five-for-violent-attack-on-israeli-soccer-fans/00000193-f851-d8c2-a7db-f97d06230000

An Amsterdam court on Tuesday sentenced five individuals for their involvement in an attack on Maccabi Tel Aviv fans last month, following the team's Europa League match against Ajax.The sentences ranged from community service to six months in prison, although the prosecution had sought much harsher penalties. For instance, a defendant who received a six-month sentence had initially faced a prosecution request for two years in prison.

The court acknowledged the claim that the Israeli fans were involved in violence and considered the context, but stated it "sees no justification for violence against Maccabi fans." Defense lawyers argued that the evidence used against the defendants was unlawfully obtained, claiming it involved privacy violations through phone hacking. However, the court rejected these arguments, as well as accusations that the events had been exploited for political gain by local politicians. Both sides have 14 days to appeal the sentences.

The defendents are:

Sefa Ö., 32, a Turkish barber, was filmed attacking Israeli fans in Amsterdam's Dam Square and was sentenced to six months in prison for assault.

Umutcan A., 24, a Turkish-born resident of The Hague, was filmed striking a fan and stealing his scarf. He was sentenced to one month in prison.

Rachid A., 26, from Utrecht, was convicted of sharing information and participating in the violence. He received a 10-week prison sentence.

Lucas D., 19, from outside Amsterdam, was accused of throwing stones at police and attempting to breach their defensive line. He was sentenced to 100 hours of community service.

Karavan S., 26, a night-shift hotel worker in Amsterdam, was found guilty of inciting violence and sharing the location of the fans. He was sentenced to one month in prison.

In November, Israeli fans were attacked by locals who waited for them as they returned from the stadium on the outskirts of Amsterdam.

Five fans required hospitalization. Dozens of suspects were arrested in the days following the attack, which was widely documented and triggered a diplomatic dispute.

The five defendants and two others are the only ones to have been charged so far.

For Europe's Jews, Antisemitism Is Felt in Everyday Interactions

More than physical violence, antisemitism against European Jews now reveals itself through incidents such as school bullying and ostracism at the workplace. Israeli expat communities on the continent could become a bridge between Israeli and European societies.

Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/2024-11-19/ty-article-opinion/.premium/for-europes-jews-antisemitism-is-felt-in-everyday-interactions/00000193-447d-dd32-a9df-7e7d4c000000

STOCKHOLM – The rioting that followed the soccer match between Maccabi Tel Aviv and the Dutch team Ajax in Amsterdam at the beginning of the month engendered mixed reactions in Israel. Initially, there was shock over its blatant antisemitic character and lamentations over "the Islamization of Europe." That was followed by claims that the violence was prompted by the conduct of Maccabi Tel Aviv fans and that comparisons to Kristallnacht trivialized the Holocaust.

Such arguments merit discussion, but, to delve more deeply, it's worth considering the European perspective in addition to the Israeli one. First of all, when Maccabi Tel Aviv fans faced physical violence, they were facing a very extreme expression of anti-Israelism and antisemitism. However, for Jews who live in Europe, it's just one manifestation of antisemitism, albeit perhaps the most frightening one, but certainly not the most common.

Other manifestations are less photogenic, but they impose a heavy burden on the lives of European Jews: pestering at school, aggressive campaigns on social media, cultural and academic boycotts, hurtful comments, and tension and ostracism in the workplace. Physical violence is rather rare.

Secondly, antisemitism is much more than an individual case of racism. In European public discourse, there is a nascent recognition that it's a kind of conspiracy theory. Those falling into its net and spreading it might be people who have never met a Jew, and perceive themselves as liberals who "have nothing against the Jewish people." They don't even need to use the word "Jewish." The conflict in the Middle East and the so-called gray area between what is antisemitic and what is anti-Israel has made it possible to use code words such as "globalists", references to George Soros – and, of course, Zionists.

It's not a new phenomenon, but it involves a world of new concepts. Instead of old-style antisemitism in which the Jews were considered Christ's killers, or more modern antisemitism accusing the Jews of controlling the world through the banking system, revolutionary movements and secret societies, there are contemporary allegations that prove confusing even to those who don't hold clearly racist views. The most popular ones claim Jews spread COVID-19 to profit from vaccines, are behind the war in Ukraine, and are breaking up nation-states. In addition, the well-known conspiracies about Jewish control of the media and the financial markets are still going around.

The Israeli left has also sometimes fallen into the trap. Since it rightly opposes continued Israeli control of the West Bank and the war crimes in Gaza, it finds European partners for its worldview. Sometimes they're serious and honest partners, however, other times, they're actors spreading allegations of genocide who support Islamist terrorist groups and propaganda advocating Israel's destruction.

Just as the Israeli far-right finds neo-Nazi partners as a result of their campaign against Muslims, some on the left find antisemitic partners because they oppose the occupation – even if its opposition is to Israel's 1949 armistice borders rather than to those post-1967.

Third, real-life antisemites, unlike those portrayed in the media, aren't two-dimensional figures. The coverage of what happened in Amsterdam focused on scenes of masked men of Middle Eastern origin looking for blood. In the real world, antisemitism has been hiding behind more familiar faces with other characteristics, other backgrounds and motives: young Europeans who read Trotskyite literature, high school students using antisemitism as a means of abusing classmates, and university lecturers attempting to attract attention to themselves.

Not all immigrants are antisemitic. Not all antisemites are immigrants, and the antisemitic incidents in Europe aren't necessarily spontaneous outbursts of hate or protest. They're also a product of campaigns financed by actors such as Qatar, Turkey and Russia. Just as most rapists don't look like monsters and don't lurk behind bushes in dark parks, the antisemitic monster sometimes lives within ordinary and seemingly unthreatening figures.

When soccer fans come to Europe and witness demonstrators spreading hate against Israel under the banner of the Palestinian flag, they experience it as a physical threat. When European Jews witness the same demonstration, more than violence, they fear that the hostile crowd includes their children's kindergarten teacher, their bank clerk or their nurse at the local clinic.

And one last point. We're used to identifying the victims of antisemitism in Europe with members of local Jewish communities. In Amsterdam, the victims were Israeli tourists who experienced it for the moment and then returned home. But among those two distinct groups, there's another. In recent years, groups of Israeli expats in Europe have established communities engaged in education, culture and social initiatives; the Hebrew language and secular Israeli identity are flourishing there.

These communities experience and deal with antisemitism differently, constituting both an opportunity and a risk in that regard. On the one hand, they're liable to constitute an attractive target for violent attacks and antisemites. On the other hand, their members might build a bridge for dialogue between Israeli and European societies that could help to deal with the sickness of antisemitism that the continent has been suffering from for centuries.

The Amnesty Article

Since my article about Amnesty and Swedish schools was written and published in Swedish and since the debate with Amnesty Sweden's Secretery Genral in Svenska Dagbladet was also in Swedish, I finally got round to translating the original texts into English so that non-Swedish speakers can see what the all the fuss was about…

When a Jewish woman from Umeå was featured on DN's first page after she decided to leave town, at least one writer, Göran Rosenberg, was critical. The article explained that the woman was leaving because of decades of antisemitic harassment. Still, Rosenberg wasn't impressed. "Today, DN publishes on its entire front page that a woman in Umeå (of Israeli origin) intends to leave the city because of her experiences of antisemitism ", he wrote and added that DN failed to explain the background: "consequently, we are not told that the same woman was very active in supporting Israel in the Gaza war". A couple of days later he explained in Expressen that antisemitism is being used as a political weapon. The woman from Umeå, it seems, had it coming. After all, she's not a "Swedish Jew", rather she's "a woman in Umeå (of Israeli origin)". Rosenberg's message is clear: while Antisemitism against regular Jews like himself, is despicable, Zionists and Israelis just "experience" antisemitism which is actually just good old criticism of Israel, or as Swedes elegantly call it – Israelkritik.

I thought of this when I talked to an organization called "Zikaron" last week. This small but extremely important organization offers lectures on the fates of Holocaust survivors to Swedish schools. The lectures are carried out by young people, grandchildren or great grandchildren of survivors who are taking over the historic burden of remembrance. Naturally, this has nothing to do with Israel. The Holocaust took place before there was an Israel and the victims were not "settler colonialist" or responsible for the "blockade of Gaza". And yet, it turns out that sometimes even the Holocaust is too problematic for some schools. When I talked to one of Zikaron's organizers, she told me that after the massacre of October 7th last year there were about ten schools that cancelled their lectures due to reasons like "wrong timing" or "sensitive timing" and since then, there has been less demand for their lectures. Could this also be "Israelkritik" or is it just that Swedish schools are too scared of upsetting the sensitive souls who find Holocaust education provocative. Or perhaps they don’t want to get in trouble with activist bullies who didn't get the memo saying that it's ok to talk about dead Jews from the 40s and the problem is only with the other kind of Jews, the ones with guns from the Middle-East. Whatever it is, anyone who's worried about Swedish schools being cowards can rest assured. They found their courage elsewhere.

While Holocaust education may be too sensitive, foreign policy political activism seems to be no problem at all. Otherwise, how could 39 Swedish schools be "partner schools (samarbetsskolor)" of Amnesty, a political organization which is as far from mainstream as it gets. These schools use Amnesty's "Schools for Human Rights" model (skola för mänskliga rättigheter) for teacher's education, planning "theme days" (temadagar) and providing material and lectures. They even take part in global campaigns. This model may be great for highlighting human rights and democracy, but there's a serious problem when it comes to the conflict in the Middle-East, since Amnesty is anything but impartial.

In recent years Amnesty International positioned itself clearly as opposed to everything Israeli. It has disproportionately targeted Israel for years, it has supported boycott campaigns and some of its campaigners and partners have supported or even been linked to terror organization and Islamist movements (to name some: Yasmin Hussein, Saleh Hijazi and Moazzam Begg). It almost entirely ignores attacks against Israel and atrocities committed against its civilians, it bases its information about Gaza casualties on Hamas' propaganda and it makes claims which are obviously false like "Israel's military operations in Gaza continue to kill people on a scale that has never been seen before".

But it's not only talk. Amnesty Sweden actively campaigned against policies of the Swedish government, like the decision to pause funding for UNRWA (based on information that some of its employees took part in the October 7th massacre) and the decision to stop funding Swedish Ibn Rushd study circle (after accusations that the organization has ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and spreads antisemitism). In fact, whoever wants an idea of what Amnesty really supports can take a look at the kind of people it awards its prizes to. Elin Forghani, a Vänsterpartiet activist from Östersund just won Amnesty's new "Noismaker" prize after publicly claiming that: "Israel is a colonial project and an outpost of the West in the Middle East and always has been". And just to make clear what should be done with the colonizers she wrote: "we can make Israel and their sponsors sweat, tremble and fall. Liberation is in sight".

Naturally, in a democracy political activism is more than legitimate. However, it's also clear that Amnesty is in no way neutral or objective. It's a political player in global geo-politics, but it's still marching into Swedish schools, presenting itself as a non-biased public informer and bearer of a universal truth. Although political parties and organizations are allowed in Swedish schools and naturally Democracy and human rights should be part of their education, this isn't a case of mainstream education. Amnesty is getting a special "partner" status as a long-term official partner while other political actors are just guests, implying that Amnesty represents facts while the others represent opinions.

It's unclear why Swedish schools should be discussing the war in Gaza in the first place, but if they must, the material should be written and supervised carefully by serious state actors. This isn’t the place to start outsourcing. I spoke to a few parents and students in a Stockholm high school. They told me about their complaints to the school management regarding Amnesty's Gaza war education material and about lessons using material from Globalis, an organization run by "Svenska FN-förbundet" an organization which claims to "work for a better and stronger UN ". The UN in the title shouldn't be confused with impartiality. When I spoke to one student, he told me that since the lessons about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict started "it feels like I have to go to school to defend Israel twice a week. It's not that the teacher lies but it's so one-sided. For example, there were two lessons about the Palestinian Nakba and only half a slide about the expulsion of Jews from Arab countries and Iran and even that, according to the teacher, could be understood as a result of "Mossad activity". When the students were given texts on the subject, they were given guiding questions like: "what support is there for the claim that Israel is an apartheid state?". Student I spoke to talked about feeling very uncomfortable and worried about their classmates. "I feel I have to give the other side", one of them said, "because the other students in the class don't know the whole picture".

In an incident in another school, UN day was celebrated in the schoolyard by waving flags of different countries. According to one of the teachers, when some angry spectators who were passing by threatened to enter the school and remove the Israeli flag, the reaction wasn’t standing up to the threatening bullies and informing the police. Instead, the flag was removed and the person waving it was asked not to wave it again.

It seems that our schools are becoming a ridiculous case of Dr. Jackyle and Mr. Hyde. On one hand, they're wannabe rebels, dealing with the world's most complicated conflicts by employing radical political activists, while on the other hand, they're so afraid of controversy and conflict that they can't even wave a flag of a UN member country or talk about the Holocaust.

It's true, only a few schools cancelled Holocaust lectures and only some are Amnesty partners. But it's also true that only some pro-Palestinian demonstrators support violence (which is what shouting "Intifada!" means), only part of vänsterpartiet supports the PFLP and only a handful burned an Israeli flag outside a synagogue. Not to mention that just several thousand attended a Hamas conference in Malmö, and only a few hundred contribute to Islamist, antisemitic movements, and only one Imam praised Hezbollah's leader and only one or two artist spread antisemitic conspiracy theories, and only a small minority screamed at Holocaust survivors entering a memorial ceremony. How many minorities will it take to get the message? and when will our schools become part of the solution instead of part of the problem.

Amnesty Sweden's comment (originally in Swedish):

Our schoolwork is based on international conventions and Swedish school's governing documents.

On December 10th, 1948, the newly formed UN adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. For the first time, the world had an agreement that viewed all people as free and equal, regardless of gender, skin color, religion or other beliefs or characteristics.

In 2011, knowledge of human rights was incorporated into the Swedish curriculum. Since 2012, Amnesty has been supporting upper secondary schools with teaching materials, lectures, and a model for working with human rights, based on both international conventions and Sweden's school governing documents.

David Stavrou, guest columnist for Svenska Dagbladet, criticizes Amnesty for supporting upper secondary schools in their work on human rights education, by making directly false accusations about Amnesty as an organization and our work. But these claims are easy to refute: No, Amnesty does not support the call for a boycott of Israel. Yes, Amnesty has condemned attacks on civilian Israelis and called for those responsible for these war crimes to be held accountable. No, our teaching materials and lectures are not about Israel and Palestine.

David Stavrou claims that we are a biased organization and that our criticism of Israel is disproportionate. This is a direct false statement that is often made by representatives of the Israeli government. Amnesty is an impartial, politically independent organization. We do not accept government funds because we want to be free to investigate human rights violations without being dependent on anyone. Our demands and criticisms are based on international law and respect for human rights. And we assess all states by the same standards.

Even though our lectures in high schools this fall did not address the war in Gaza, high school students have asked many questions about the situation in Gaza. Human rights, contrary to what David Stavrou suggests, apply both in times of peace and in conflicts. Amnesty's focus in all conflicts is the protection of civilians and their human rights.

Amnesty is not alone in criticizing Israel's indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the forced displacement of Palestinian civilians, and the denial of humanitarian aid into Gaza, three clear examples of violations of the laws of war. Knowledge of human rights is necessary. We are happy to contribute to helping upper secondary schools fulfill the curriculum, providing students with more knowledge and the conditions to protect their own rights and work to ensure that others' rights are respected, both now and in the future.

Anna Johansson, Secretary General, Amnesty International Sweden.

David Stavrou's reply:

It’s great that Amnesty Sweden takes texts which are published in Svenska Dagbladet seriously. However, it’s a bit surprising because, during the process of writing the article, I contacted their press service to ask questions that had arisen after conversations with students at their partner schools. No one responded. To avoid mistakes, I wrote again, but I was ignored once more. On the other hand, Amnesty’s response suggests it might not matter – it’s filled with answers to questions no one asked and avoids addressing the questions that were actually raised.

No one suggested that schools shouldn’t teach human rights and democracy. No one asked whether human rights are important during wartime. Even if one appreciates the Secretary General of Amnesty’s inspiring words, that wasn’t at all what the article was about. Everyone knows human rights are important. The question is whether her organization is qualified to be the one teaching our children about them.

One question that goes unanswered, however, in the one addressing Amnesty’s partners abroad that have had connections to terrorist organizations and Islamist movements. Perhaps it’s because she is aware of the collaboration with Moazzam Begg, for example. Begg, a former Guantanamo detainee, was invited to Sweden by Amnesty despite having supported the Taliban. This isn’t something I’m claiming – it’s what a senior official within Amnesty in London, Gita Sahgal, said. She argued that collaboration with "Britain’s most famous Taliban supporter" and links to groups promoting Islamic right-wing ideas damage Amnesty’s integrity and pose a threat to human rights. Amnesty’s reaction – she was dismissed.

Then there’s the claim that Amnesty doesn’t support a boycott of Israel. If that’s the case, why did Amnesty’s Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa write the following: "We urge the international community to cease all forms of support – whether direct or indirect, through actions or omissions – for Israel’s apartheid system"? (Direct quote from Amnesty’s website).

As for Amnesty having condemned attacks on Israeli civilians, it is true that they’ve done so on certain occasions. After October 7th, it would have been absurd if they hadn’t. But anyone familiar with Amnesty’s publications knows that the Secretary General’s statement is misleading. During September and October, Amnesty International published 14 texts on their website criticizing Israel. That’s as many as the texts about Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq – combined. Iran received seven texts during the same period, Sudan and South Sudan six in total, and Belarus only four. During these two months, 7,517 rockets were fired at Israel. Amnesty published nothing about these attacks, which kill and injure and have forced over 140,000 Israeli citizens to live as internally displaced persons for more than a year.

"We assess all states by the same standards," writes Amnesty’s Secretary General. That’s hard to believe when reading about their "regional activist seminars" in Stockholm and Malmö in November. The program begins with "Palestine then and now" and continues with "a deeper understanding of the Palestine issue through a Palestinian perspective." Then there’s a lecture on the Palestine groups in Malmö, followed by "panel discussion: Academics for Palestine." Later in the day, there’s "panel discussion: on Palestine, struggle, and conflict." It seems like the Rohingyas, Uighurs, the Belarusian opposition, and Tigrayans from Ethiopia will have to wait for the next seminar because the next workshop is "What can I do? A guide to action for Palestinian liberation." This is organized by, drumroll, BDS Sweden. Yes, BDS – Boycott, Divestment, and Sanction (remember the Secretary General’s statement: "But these claims are easy to refute: No, Amnesty does not support the call for a boycott of Israel." Does she think we can’t read?).

None of the speakers at the seminar are pro-Israel; instead, it’s full of well-known pro-Palestinian activists. And that’s entirely okay. The Svenska Dagbladet article wasn’t about whether Amnesty is right or wrong or about their right to be pro-Palestinian. It was about impartiality. I wonder if any of the young people who participated in the activist seminar are students from one of Amnesty’s 39 partner schools. I suggest that Sweden’s school principals take what the Secretary General wrote seriously. When she writes that she’s glad to "give students more knowledge," it becomes clear that their schools are her recruitment ground.

'For Israelis, It's Clear Jews Can Be Religious, Secular, Asian or Black. Not for Swedes'

From Annie Leibovitz to Amy Winehouse and Ofra Haza: New book on Jewish heroines, created by three feminist Swedish Jewish women, offers an answer to antisemitism

Published: https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/2024-08-05/ty-article-magazine/.premium/for-israelis-its-clear-jews-can-be-religious-secular-asian-or-black-not-for-swedes/00000191-22ac-d4fa-a7d7-e7ef96a70000

What do Amy Winehouse, Anne Frank, Estée Lauder, Rosa Luxemburg, Ofra Haza and Marilyn Monroe have in common? They were all Jewish (Marilyn converted), they were all heroines, and now, all six are among the 120 Jewish women in the new Swedish-language book "Jewish Heroines." The book, which targets both young readers and adults, not only tells the heroines' stories but also uses them to pose questions that have become more urgent in the post-October 7 world.

"Jewish Heroines" is the work of three Jewish Swedish women. The text was written by Anneli Rådestad, the editor of the Jewish-Swedish culture magazine Judisk Krönika, and Karin Brygger, a poet and author who also writes for the Swedish media. The heroines were illustrated by Joanna Rubin Dranger, a graphic artist and also an illustration professor at the University of Arts, Crafts and Design in Stockholm. She's also a winner of the Nordic Council's Literature Prize for her latest graphic novel.

Anneli Radestad
Anneli Rådestad.Credit: Hugh Gordon

"The three of us come from very strong feminist backgrounds," says Rådestad, who's also a former journalist for Swedish public radio. She notes that Rubin Dranger has been working with feminist issues since the '90s, while Brygger has being studying women's history and literature for around 25 years. Rådestad is the editor of Judisk Krönika, which launched a series of articles about Jewish women, "partly because the magazine has been male dominated since its founding in 1932. Through these articles, we tried to contribute to a correction of Jewish-Swedish history by bringing women out of the shadows."

The idea to turn the project into a book came during the pandemic, while Rådestad was reading to her daughter, who was 5 at the time. "The book I was reading was the Swedish version of 'Good Night Stories for Rebel Girls' [by Elena Favilli and Francesca Cavallo], and I thought it would be great if there was a book dedicated to Jewish heroines. Jews are a small minority in Sweden, and the stories of Jewish women … have left very little mark." Rådestad says that when she told Rubin Dranger about the idea, "she was enthusiastic and very surprised that a book like this didn't already exist."

איורים - book_ Joanna Rubin Dranger
The book cover.Credit: Joanna Rubin Dranger / Natur & Kultur

I spoke with the three authors in Stockholm's Old Town after the book's launch party at a local bookstore. They say that when they checked if there was already a book on Jewish heroines, they found a few in English, but on a smaller scale. And they discovered the Jewish Women's Archive in the United States – a great source, but it's not a book. Rubin Dranger notes that they aimed to rise above the local context. "I wanted to make a book that would not only be for the Jewish community in Sweden but would suit everyone, including people in other countries," she says.

Brygger adds that "Jewish Heroines" could also play a role in academic debates. "It can be part of women's history and women's literary history studies. I've been involved in women's studies for a long time and I've been writing life stories and texts that give women a voice," she says. "These stories are missing in the academic world. In fact, a large part of the ability to do this now exists thanks to women like those we wrote about in the book, such as Gloria Steinem, Betty Friedan and Susan Faludi."

These last three are among a long line of American women in "Jewish Heroines," including Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, thinkers such as Susan SontagJudith Butler and Masha Gessen, and artists of various stripes such as Barbra StreisandBette Midler and Annie Leibovitz. The book also portrays women from totally different backgrounds – Nobel-winning scientists such as Israeli Ada Yonath and Italian Rita Levi-Montalcini – as well as actresses, dancers, heroines from Middle Eastern history and even biblical figures such as Esther, Ruth and the Four Matriarchs: Sarah, Rebecca, Leah and Rachel. "Jewish Heroines" weaves them into a tapestry of inspiring women from different eras all over the world.

Your book features a wide variety of countries of origin, eras and ethnic groups, but some are more widely represented than others. For example, there are many women from Sweden and the United States and only a few from Israel including Golda MeirOfra Haza, Ada Yonath, Ester Rada and Robi Damelin of the Parents Circle – Families Forum. How did you make your choices?

Joanna Rubin Dranger
Joanna Rubin Dranger.Credit: Hugh Gordon

Brygger: "When we found women we wanted to have in the book, we made presentations for the others … and the others took some time to think and learn, and we made a decision. The three of us had an equal part in 'finding' the women." Then came the greater work of research, writing and illustrating. "This ongoing conversation was the most fabulous part of working on the book," Brygger says. "We were in constant contact, sending messages, photos and articles to each other in a flow of creative desire to write and portray as many great women as we could."

Rubin Dranger adds about the women they chose: "For Israelis, it's quite clear that Jews can be anything – religious or secular, Asian, white or Black – but for Swedes it's not so clear. Many people have never met a Jew but they have an image of Jews. Often, they think of a Jew as a religious man with a hat and payes [sidelocks]. They don't always realize that this is a flexible identity."

According to Rubin Dranger, this is why the book also features a Black American rabbi, writers, journalists and spiritual women from Algeria, New Zealand, Egypt and Cuba, not to mention a Mexican poet and actresses from India. Rådestad adds: "In a way, this book is a response to things like the report published in 2021 about antisemitism in schools in Malmö, a city that has become notorious in this context. The report showed the way students and teachers understand the word 'Jew': an Orthodox religious white man or a figure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict."

Karin Brygger.
Karin Brygger.Credit: Hugh Gordon

Brygger notes that the world of the past – and unfortunately still the present – is filled with prejudices. So the book "not only offers a wonderful possibility of finding a character who is similar to you, who can give you strength or inspire you. It's also a tool for breaking down stereotypes and fighting antisemitism."

Brygger, who lives in Gothenburg, adds that she received warm responses when she presented the book at cultural institutions in the city. "They said, 'We don't need more reports, we already know that there is antisemitism here. We need tools to deal with the problem.' They were enthusiastic about the book and wanted to use it as an educational tool."

And the issue of Jewish diversity isn't taken for granted in the Jewish community.

"Today, when you look, for example, at the school photo of the Jewish school in Stockholm, you can find the whole world in them," Rådestad says. "People get married in all kinds of ways, and it's important to represent everyone."

In Brygger's opinion, the book's diversity of Jewish identities includes "a way to deal with prejudices and racism that exist even in the Jewish community." Rubin Dranger adds: "But it's not just the representation. It's not just pointing out the fact that there is someone in the book who is adopted or someone who is Ethiopian. It's a presence that's truly broad, not an example or two who are chosen just to serve as an alibi."

Beyond the choice of specific characters, the creators stress the significance of the content being available in a physical book, sold nationwide, rather than just being information in an internet archive or a Jewish publication. "In a country where the Jewish minority is tiny, we shouldn't underestimate the fact that a large non-Jewish publisher released the book in Swedish," Rådestad says. "This makes a statement that this book is for everyone – Jews and non-Jews, young and old, library visitors and school students."

She and her two co-authors are aware that the book is being published in stormy times globally for both women and Jews. The book links these two identities. Many of the profiles are of women who stood – or are still standing – at the forefront of such troubles, from Russian-American anarchist Emma Goldman, through Hannah Szenes and women fighters in WWII ghettos, to young Ethiopian-American activist Naomi Wadler. The impression is that, beyond its heroines' scientific and artistic achievements, the book celebrates the struggle against tyranny, racism and the patriarchy.

Illustrations of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, from the book.
Illustrations of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Ofra Haza, from the book.Credit: Joanna Rubin Dranger

"We have seen and continue to see a retreat in women's rights in the world," Brygger says. "It keeps returning. In the book, we connect Jewish history with women's history." Rådestad continues: "We are connecting in many ways with other struggles, like that of the LGBTQ community. The Jewish feminist movement and the Jewish LGBTQ movement walked hand in hand. "Take Steven Greenberg, for example, the first openly homosexual Orthodox rabbi. His interpretation of the Biblical verse forbidding male intercourse is that it is a prohibition against degrading another man. Doing so lowers him to the status of a woman, which in biblical times was seen as inferior. Greenberg's interpretation connects the two struggles – striving for equality in both male-male relationships and male-female relationships. It's a common struggle."

The authors acknowledge that the book's significance has changed somewhat since October 7. Work on the book was finished before the Hamas attack. However, says Rådestad, quite a few more Jewish female heroines have emerged since then. "Take, for example, Rachel Edri from Ofakim, who saved her own life and that of her husband," she says. "She became famous for giving cookies and coffee to the terrorists, thus preventing them from murdering more people. Another example came after the terrible Eurovision week in Malmö. I think that Eden Golan not only carried Israel on her shoulders but also Sweden's Jewish minority. A young woman stood high when so many older people around her went so low. She really showed great strength, while many Jews around the world felt pressure and fear. Her character gave me strength, too."

"We couldn't have imagined these circumstances when we wrote the book. We presented it, on the eve of its publication, at the Gothenburg International Book Fair the week before October 7," Rådestad recalls, referring to the largest cultural event in Scandinavia and one of Europe's largest book fairs. "The transition from being on an important international cultural stage to October 7 was very stark. It was a terrible fall. It shook the ground beneath the feet of Israelis and Palestinians – and Jews worldwide.

"I realized a few months later that the meaning of some of the book's heroines had changed for me. For example, Dona Gracia. When I wrote about her, I saw her as a powerful historical figure who faced the Inquisition 500 years ago. Today, I understand that there are still many who live as crypto-Jews – I have friends worried because they gave their children Jewish names. Now, they don't know what effect this will have.

איורים 5 Joanna Rubin Dranger

Illustration of Golda Meir, from the book.
Illustrations of Golda Meir and Esther Rada from the book.Illustration: Joanna Rubin Dranger/Natur & Kultur

In the reality of cultural and educational boycotts, a Jewish name can lead to serious consequences. At the same time, I feel that the resistance, the strength and the resilience of Jews are an important part of this book. As a people, we've been through this many times for hundreds of years. Some of the heroines here withstood the test. They gave what they created to themselves, to their families, to their people and to the world."

Rådestad mentions a common sentiment among Jews around the world today: "Israelis have become more Jewish and Jews have become more Israeli since Since October 7. The pogromist terror of October 7 evoked something that previously only happened in the Diaspora and that Israel was supposed to prevent. The security of independence and having agency was shaken. Israelis got a taste of what it was like to be a minority in Russia a couple of hundred years ago in the most terrible and terrifying way."

She observes that many Jews worldwide are suffering for the same reason Israelis are suffering. She says they see erstwhile friends and partners, such as the international cultural communities and feminist movement, being silent and turning their backs. "It's become very important for some Jews to stand up for Israel and Israelis in a world where haters are targeting Jews and Israelis alike," she says. "So when Israel is framed as a pariah state and a controversial country, the women we profiled provide strength that children and teenagers need."

"It's not just children," Brygger adds. "When I look through the book, I'm inspired and feel strength and joy. Already when we were writing it, when we discovered women we didn't know about, it made us happy. But now the joy is different. In the past, it was the euphoria of discovering something new – like the Jewish actresses who starred in Bollywood. But today, under the shadow of October 7, the book also gives us the strength we need."

Another layer to the book is the flexible definition of Jewish identity. Some figures were not born Jewish and converted (like Marilyn Monroe, who underwent a Reform conversion to Judaism ahead of her marriage to playwright Arthur Miller, and called herself "a Jewish atheist"). Some had a Jewish father and a non-Jewish mother. Some weren't born Jewish but were adopted by Jews. Some of the heroines didn't identify as Jewish growing up, but as adults were foced by others to grapple with their Jewish identity.

By way of example, Brygger points out Marianne Cohn, a member of the French Resistance during World War II. She saved many Jewish children by smuggling them over the Swiss border. She had no active Jewish identity whatsoever during her childhood in Germany. It only developed upon emigrating to France with her parents. Rubin Dranger talks about Lotte Laserstein, a German painter whose family had converted to Christianity. But the Nazis considered her Jewish and forbade her to work as an artist. She found refuge in Sweden. "In a way, her story connects to my own experience," she says. "I grew up assimilated and only embraced my Jewish identity after a priest in my Christian confirmation process made me feel singled out and attacked me because of my Jewish heritage. I know that many today share this experience. After October 7, many people are rediscovering their Jewish identity and they start searching for a community they may have already forgotten."

"In the current global climate, words like "minyan" and "shtetel" may take on a new meaning," Rådestad observes. "In progressive Judaism, at least, you can find a women's minyan. The term shtetel may represent a safe place." This is needed because there are already American publishing houses who say "No to sexism, no to racism and no to Zionism." Says Rådestad, "Jews may once again be forced to publish their books alone, until the world rediscovers them."

What sets a Jewish heroine apart from general heroism, and what is the uniqueness of women's heroism?

Brygger: "It's about persecution. The heroism in our book is related to the strength of coping with and resisting persecution, antisemitism and exclusion. In general society, there is a struggle against patriarchy and glass ceilings of all kinds. Here we need to add another struggle – the struggle that Jewish women have had to wage throughout history."

Rubin Dranger: "Part of it is that many Jewish women fought for the rights of other minorities, like African Americans or indigenous peoples in the United States. They weren't content with fighting for their own interests."

Rådestad: "It's part of Jewish values and Jewish tradition. Telling truth to power is part of what Jews do. So is the attempt to make the world a better place, tikkun olam. Although this characterizes American Judaism, it's not only in the United States. We wrote, for example, about the Iraqi-born philanthropist Flora Sassoon. She funded and promoted the use of vaccines against terrible diseases in India and fought against deprivation and discrimination."

Given the chance, who'd you like to meet from among the heroines you profiled?

Rubin Dranger: "The American cryptanalyst Elizebeth Smith Friedman, who cracked the Nazi codes. Code cracking and intelligence defense fascinates me, and the fact that Friedman's work wasn't known until quite recently. For many decades, her files were kept confidential and were lost to history. Elizebeth wasn't Jewish by birth but married a Jewish man, a U.S. Army cryptographer." It is important to talk about this type of Jewishness, exactly because not everybody considers them Jewish, she says.

Rådestad has a hard time choosing. She starts with Shifra and Puah, the biblical midwives who disobeyed Pharaoh's order to kill Hebrew children. Then she moves on to the young Jewish women who were part of the anti-Nazi resistance movements and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising fighters. She finally chooses Asenath Barzani, a rabbinical scholar who was active in 17th century Kurdistan. Barzani's father was a yeshiva head in Mosul. She became a yeshiva head herself. "Barzani's story changed my view about how progress happens," she explains. "It gives perspective on what the West used to be and what Iraq used to be."

Brygger also mentions several women. She says her encounter with Susan Sontag "not only shaped my academic life, but also my personal life since I was a teenager." She also recalls the story of Charlotte Salomon, the Jewish-German artist who was murdered in Auschwitz. "It's a story with a lot of pain," she says. "Salomon sent her works to a friend with instructions to 'keep this safe, it's my whole life.' Salomon reminds us how important it is to write and document our lives even today, how important it is to leave traces and testimonies."

"I hope that if a young person feels alone or lost, they'll be able to find what I found in these women that changed my life so radically," she adds. "I hope our book will give them role models in these turbulent and terrible times. Perhaps they'll even find a soulmate, even if it's someone who's no longer alive or someone who's far away. It's so hard to find and mold your identity. I'd never have made it through my teenage years without these women who made me a reading and writing person, with a life goal. As usual, I went all in and really tried to learn everything about many of them. Some of them are much closer to me than 'real people.' The world opens up to you when you relate to texts and books. These writers and artists also give you a hand to hold throughout life."

Israel and Norway: An Icy Relationship

Norway is seen by many as one of the most hostile European countries toward Israel. But the government in Oslo is veering between demands that it toughen its line against Israel and its actions in Gaza – and the fact that Norway is a major arms exporter

Published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-04-11/ty-article-magazine/.premium/israel-and-norway-a-schizophrenic-relationship/0000018e-c7a3-dc93-adce-eff3a37e0000

In recent months, some Israelis have declared Norway the European country most hostile to Israel. This theory is largely based on the policy of Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide, whose term began only a few days after the October 7 Hamas attacks. Barth Eide, a member of the Labour Party, is doing his second stint as foreign minister for the second time, having served in the role in 2012 and 2013. He has also briefly served as defense minister and climate and environment minister.

The list of Israeli grievances against him and his government is long. First came a report that Barth Eide's ministry had prevented King Harald V from sending a condolence letter to Israel after October 7 – because in Norway, the king isn't authorized to make declarations concerning "victims of a political conflict."

This was followed by a condemnation of Israel two weeks later at an international conference in Cairo. Norway's decision not to recognize Hamas as a terror organization also drew anger. In addition, Norway insisted on continuing to transfer money to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, the UN agency assisting Palestinian refugees, while several other countries halted their support in response to reports that some of its employees had been involved in the October 7 attacks.

Norway not only continued to transfer money but initiated a campaign to defend UNRWA in other countries. Meanwhile, Norway has been active in the lawsuit against Israel in the International Court of Justice over the occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which is separate from the South African suit accusing Israel of genocide.

Espen Barth Eide on a Stockholm visit, June 2024, photo: David Stavrou

"We are friends of Israel," says the foreign minister, clarifying his position in an interview. "We always have been and we will continue to be. Sometimes good friends need to give good advice, but we are in no way hostile to Israel. We have always tried to help Israel live in peace and security." When asked to explain why Norway is nevertheless seen by many in Israel as hostile, he says that despite the friendship, his country can disagree with the Israeli government.

"We condemned the attack by Hamas on October 7 and we recognize Israel's right to defend itself against terrorism," he says, "but we also said that, like any other country, Israel must obey the laws of war within the international humanitarian laws of the Geneva Convention. Our criticism was that some of the military tactics that Israel used, and the de facto partial blockade on the Gaza Strip that prevented food, electricity, and necessary means of life from the Gaza population, were very problematic. This is not hostility towards Israel; it's criticism towards certain elements of the government's policy."

Among the issues Barth Eide mentions are statements by Israeli cabinet ministers who "gave the impression, which is probably wrong, that Israel wants to expel the Palestinians from Gaza. There have been such statements in Israel and they are very problematic when they come from government ministers."

Although several countries stopped transferring funds to UNRWA, Norway continued to transfer funds and demanded that other countries do so too. Do you not believe the Israeli authorities who reported that UNRWA employees were involved in the October 7 attack, or do you think this is not a sufficient reason to stop funding the organization?

"Our decision is not based on a lack of trust in the Israeli claim. Although we haven't seen evidence, that's not the point, because it may indeed be true. It may be that amongst 13,000 employed in Gaza, there were some who were involved with Hamas and even in the terrorist attack. This is terrible, unacceptable and it requires an investigation, we said this to the UN Secretary-General Guterres and to [UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe] Lazzarini.

"But we did not agree that if this is true, all funding should be cut," he says. "This is not how to react to transgressions or crimes inside organizations. You don't close the organization, you look for the criminals. If someone in the Oslo police force is arrested on suspicion of murder, I will not shut down the police but arrest the suspect. We are happy to see that there are now countries that have changed their position on this – Australia, Denmark, Sweden, and Canada, for example, as well as the European Commission. It's not that we don't believe Israel, but we don't think that all Palestinians should be punished because of it."

Regarding UNRWA as a whole, Barth Eide does not accept claims that the organization is problematic and that aid for Palestinians should flow through other organizations instead. "A vast majority of the other international organizations operating in the region say that it's not possible to replace UNRWA in the short term," he says, "because they are the backbone for all humanitarian activities in Gaza, so all organizations are coordinating with them."

In November you declared, "We were clear in stating that Hamas should be seen as a terror organization." Is this, as opposed to the past, now Norway's official policy, including when it comes to enforcing the law, economic sanctions, etc.?

"The terrorist attack on October 7 was clearly a terrorist attack and it was carried out by Hamas, so in this context they carried out a very grave terrorist act. However, we have a standing position that maintains some kind of contact with all the relevant groups. This does not mean that we accept their goals or their policies, but we think that if we are trying to contribute to a cease-fire between the Israeli army and Hamas, someone has to talk to Hamas. This is not an endorsement of Hamas, but only an acknowledgment that they exist.

"The way to weaken Hamas is to develop an alternative path to a Palestinian statehood. People who contributed to the division of Palestinian society served Hamas and those who did not want progress. We do not want a Palestine under the control of Hamas, but a Palestine who recognizes Israel under the control of other Palestinians who recognize Israel and its right to life and security."

So are you in contact with Hamas?

"Yes, we are in contact with Hamas, as we are in contact with Hezbollah, with the Houthis, and everybody else in the neighborhood. And that is why we didn't impose the same sanctions that other countries imposed –but this should not be understood as endorsement of their goals and policies." Barth Eide adds, without specifying exactly to whom he is referring, that "There are people in the world who criticize us for this in public, but are actually happy that this is the case, because someone has to maintain these contacts".

What is your current position regarding the South African lawsuit in The Hague and its results?

"I commended the fact that Israel decided to respond to the lawsuit. We did not respond to the initiative itself, but given that the lawsuit exists, it's good that Israel responded, it's good that it recognizes the authority of the court and it's clearly its right to defend itself against the accusations. The court did not conclude that there is a genocide here, but that there are sufficient elements that may constitute a violation of the Convention on the Prevention of Genocide, and Israel should respond and inform the court what steps it is taking to comply with the limitations applicable to a country at war. It isn't illegal to go to war in self-defense, but there are laws on how to do it.

"There is of course another ICJ case dealing with the Israeli occupation. Unlike the genocide case, in the occupation case, we have actually intervened." Indeed, Norway was one of 50 countries that testified before the court on the matter in late February. "Norway clearly distances itself from Israeli settlers' displacement of and violence against Palestinians on occupied land," Barth Eide says. "The settlements are illegal according to international law… the injustice the Palestinians are being subjected to must stop."

Retail policy

Norway's policy toward Israel also has an economic aspect. Its Foreign Ministry recently issued a warning to Norwegian companies "not to engage in business cooperation or trade that serves to perpetuate the illegal Israeli settlements." Regarding this topic, Barth Eide was quoted in the statement as saying "Norway has long maintained that Israel's settlement policy in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is in violation of international law, including international humanitarian law and human rights, and undermines the prospects of achieving a future Palestinian state and a peaceful resolution of the conflict."

The statement said the recommendation to Norwegian companies was issued against the backdrop of swelling settlement expansion, as well as "increased settlement violence against the Palestinians."

The minister said in the statement that the "Norwegian business community has sought advisory guidelines from the Norwegian authorities. This recommendation makes it clear that Norwegian companies should be alert to the fact that engaging in any economic or financial activity in the illegal Israeli settlements could put them at risk of contributing to violations of international humanitarian law and human rights."

This policy has already had practical consequences. "A week ago, Norway's foreign minister sent an 'information letter' to the Norwegian Confederation of Business and made it clear that doing anything that would benefit organizations that contribute to the illegal occupation in Israel is not in keeping with Norwegian policy," says Leif Knutsen, the media coordinator for Norway's Jewish community. "He also sent this letter to Vinmonopolet, Norway's government-owned alcoholic beverage retailer monopoly. Vinmonopolet then immediately called for an emergency board meeting, which decided to take all wines from the West Bank and the Golan Heights off the shelves."

Knutsen says that this step may be illegal in the context of European Union or World Trade Organization rules, especially in the case of the Golan Heights. "It's a policy change that Barth Eide dictated from his own desk, not via the cabinet or the parliament, as foreign policy conducted via retail," says Knutsen. "One of the results of this is that in practice, Jews in Norway who want wine [that] is kosher for Pesach will find it hard to get hold of it."

Barth Eide clarifies that "Vinmonopolet can import other Israeli wines if it chooses to," and adds: "We have economic relations with Israel and we want to continue to maintain them. But we have been arguing for years that our economic relations with Israel should be with the Israel within the 1967 borders. This is not new. Now, we are strengthening our advice to Norwegian businesses – feel free to buy and sell in Israel, but not in what fuels the occupation, which I think everyone, except the Israeli government, recognizes is illegal.

"This is not a very radical policy," he says. "But [it exists] to be consistent with our own policy of not financially contributing to human rights violations and violations of international law. We do not go into the specifics, we give general advice. So it was the board of Vinmonopolet who made this decision."

In spite of all that, it seems that the Norwegian economy isn't paying a particularly high price for the government's moral stance. Trade relations with Israel haven't slowed dramatically, and the calls for a boycott of Israel are more symbolic than concrete.

According to Mette Johanne Follestad, president of the Norwegian-Israeli Chamber of Commerce, "For decades, Norway's main export to Israel [has been] fish. More than 80 percent of all imported salmon to Israel is from Norway. To a much smaller extent, Norway also exports metals and paper. Israel's main export to Norway is agricultural products – i.e., fruits and vegetables. Israel also exports to Norway technological products such as computer items. Those two sectors cover most of the Israeli imports to Norway."

She adds that despite political tensions, Norwegian fish exports to Israel have continued to grow in recent years. Exports from other industries have not increased for some time, however. "The political climate in Norway regarding Israel is not helpful for the promotion of business and especially for initiating new lines of trade. It seems that the anti-Israel sentiment has created a reluctance to develop new business relations with Israel.

"Even so, some trade continues to grow. In 2022-2023, Israeli imports to Norway increased from 1.649 billion kroner (570 million shekels) to 1.801 billion, reaching record figures in both years. Norwegian exports to Israel were also at a record level in 2022 at 2.644 billion krone. Unfortunately, Norwegian exports to Israel decreased to 2.313 billion kroner in 2023."

In addition to the recommendation of the Norwegian government to boycott Israeli products from the West Bank, Follestad also notes that universities in Norway are calling for an academic boycott against Israel, although the Norwegian government is against it. Knutsen adds that Norway has seen many calls for various types of boycotts against Israel. In Norwegian academia, for example, some universities have severed ties with academic institutions from Israel. One example is Oslo Metropolitan University, commonly known as OsloMet, which decided not to continue a student exchange program with the University of Haifa. "This is a case where the institution's board of directors made the decision," says Knutsen. "They claim that it's not a boycott but a decision not to continue a program, but this is a game of semantics."

Knutsen sees the decision as a clear violation of fundamental academic freedom that was meant to appease activists wishing to silence anyone disagreeing with them. According to reports, OsloMet is not alone, with the University of South-East Norway deciding to end its academic and research collaborations with the Hadassah College of Technology in Jerusalem over the war in Gaza.

The boycotting isn't limited to academia. Knutsen says there has been a flood of calls for boycotts of Israeli products in recent months. Some trade unions and local municipalities, including Oslo, have called for boycotts or announced them. "They're very careful to say that they're not boycotting Israel, they're only boycotting organizations and cooperation that contribute to the settlements, particularly in the West Bank," she says. "However, it's not always clear what exactly that means and what it is that they're not buying. It seems like virtue signaling for a domestic audience."

When it comes to big money, however, Norway is in no rush to cut off every investment that could somehow be connected to the occupation and the settlements. On this subject, it's interesting to consider Norway's Oil Fund, which invests the surplus revenue from the country's oil sector in what has become the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world. The fund, which holds about $1.5 trillion, has previously withdrawn investments in Israeli companies. However, according to various reports, it still has investments in some 70 Israeli companies totaling billions of dollars. Now it's examining whether to withdraw investments from companies connected to the occupation and settlements, mainly entities like Israeli banks and financial institutions.

"This is discussed widely here," says Barth Eide. "Our recommendations are also relevant to investments in the Oil Fund. The ethical committee of the fund is looking into the matter. It's complicated, because, for example, when there is ownership in a bank, the bank may have activities both in Israel and in the occupied territories, so it's complicated, it's a question of to what grade, and the government doesn't go into the details of every portfolio. The fund has a board of directors and it also has a wider management and an ethics committee. They are the ones who decide."

Sell and forget

In spite of the many steps aimed at pressuring Israel, there are voices in Norway arguing that the government isn't doing enough to oppose Israel and support the Palestinians. Pro-Palestinian organizations say the Norwegian arms industry, a large part of which is government-owned, has found ways of bypassing the prohibition against selling weapons to countries at war. Could Norway be trying to enjoy the best of both worlds, portraying itself as the enthusiastic defender of the Palestinians while avoiding missing out on the profits made from its relationship with Israel?

"There is a clear definition of what a Norwegian weapon is," says Barth Eide. "It's a weapon that is manufactured in Norway or at least the main component is manufactured in Norway. This is an international definition. In this sense, it's forbidden to export Norwegian weapons to countries that are at war like Israel and we have no reason to believe that there has been violation of this." However, the foreign minister clarifies that since Norway has a large arms industry, Norwegian companies also own companies abroad –and here, the government's control is more limited. The same is true of other countries.

"Besides, there are also joint projects in which we produce parts for weapons made by other countries," says Barth Eide. "For example, we manufacture some minor parts for F-35 aircraft. Norwegian laws do not apply here because it would simply create a situation where international defense cooperation would be impossible." Barth Eide says Norway doesn't sell weapons to Israel and that he has called on other countries to follow its example to ensure there is no indirect complicity in what potentially may constitute genocide.

However, some say that Norwegian companies, including at least one that is half-owned by the government, are bypassing this government policy. The online daily magazine Verdens Gang reported in November that Norwegian-produced components may be used in missiles that Israel is firing in Gaza. The publication reported that since Norway allows the exportation of weapons components to NATO countries like the U.S., the parts could be used to assemble weapons exported to Israel according to American regulations.

That's how, according to the newspaper, Chemring Nobel is one of the manufacturers of rocket fuel for Hellfire missiles, which the U.S. supplies to Israel for use in the war in Gaza. Reports that this company produces rocket fuel and explosives for missiles used by the Israel Defense Forces aren't new and have appeared in various Norwegian media outlets in the past.

In response to the Verdens Gang report, Chemring Nobel's CEO said he couldn't rule out the possibility that Norwegian components are included in the weapons systems used in Gaza, Ukraine, or other places. This is because several of Norway's allies permit the export of defense products to Israel, in contradiction with Norwegian export policy.

The Nordic Ammunition Company (aka Nammo), another Norwegian company, has also been accused of selling weapons to Israel. Ownership of Nammo is divided between the Norwegian government and a Finnish company named Patria, itself half-owned by a Norwegian company whose largest stockholder is the government. In December, the Norwegian public broadcaster reported that pro-Palestinian activists had blocked the entrance to the company's factory in Raufoss, saying that "Nammo's weapons are helping to kill Palestinians in Gaza." According to the demonstrators, M141 shoulder-fired missiles exported by Nammos' factory in Arizona to Israel are being used in Gaza. The company denied the claims, saying the weapons were sold to the U.S. military up until 10 years ago, which was the extent of its involvement.

In response to a request for comment, a Nammo spokesperson wrote: "We have also seen media reports about U.S.-made Nammo products in Israel. Given that sales of these products took place several years ago and were made to U.S. authorities, we're not in a position to confirm reports of later transfer from the US to Israel, nor are we privy to knowledge about which weapons or materiel the Israeli military uses."

Asked whether there is oversight over the use of the weapons parts the company exports to other countries (such as by means of an End-User Certificate), the spokesperson wrote: "Nammo is subject to export control laws in the countries where we have operations, including Norway, which does not permit exports of Norwegian-produced products to Israel. For export license requests to countries where exports from Norway are permitted, end-user documentation or certificates are normally part of the list of required documents."

Chemring Nobel declined to respond to a request for comment.

Mediation and boycott

"Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2023," the latest edition of the annual report by the respected independent watchdog Stockholm International Peace Research Institute provides context regarding Norway's arms industry. The think tank is dedicated to research into conflicts, armaments, arms control, and disarmament. Its publications are considered highly reliable sources on the global arms trade, although the institute acknowledges that complete information on deals in the field is hard to obtain. In the 2023 report, Norway is 19th on its list of the 25 largest exporters of major arms – all the more notable because of the country's small population of 5.5 million. According to the report, imports of major arms by European countries increased by 94 percent – nearly double – in 2014-18 and 2019-23.

More than half of European arms imports in 2019-23, 55 percent, were from the U.S., up from 35 percent in 2014-18. Arms imports to countries in Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East also increased significantly in 2019-23. The top arms importers in this period were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Ukraine, Pakistan, Japan, Egypt, Australia, South Korea, and China. Israel was 15th on the list. Almost 70 percent of its arms imports were from the United States – the world's top arms exporter, whose total arms exports rose 17 percent. Russia's exports, in contrast, fell 53 percent, losing its spot as the second-largest arms exporter to France and dropping to third place. The U.S., France, and Russia were followed by China, Germany, Italy, Britain, Spain, and Israel (in ninth place).

Countries in the Middle East accounted for 30 percent of arms imports in 2019-23. Saudi Arabia, the world's second-largest arms importer, received 8.4 percent of global arms imports during this period. With a global share of 7.6 percent, arms imports by Qatar increased 396 percent during that timeframe. The United States is the region's arms supplier, accounting for 52 percent of Middle East arms imports; following it are France (12 percent), Italy (10 percent,) and Germany (7.1 percent).

Norway shouldn't be on the list at all, since its regulations prohibit arms exports to countries in a state of war. Therefore, the countries leading the list of imports from Norwegian companies in this field are the United States, Ukraine, and Lithuania. After Russia's invasion of Ukraine and given Norway's special interest in helping to repel it, the Norwegian government passed a resolution allowing direct arms sales to Ukraine. Also, Norwegian law allows the provision of military aid to countries at war, as opposed to the sale of weapons for commercial purposes.

"The defense and weapons market in Norway is highly regulated," Nicholas Marsh, a senior researcher at the Oslo Peace Research Institute, says. "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issues export permits and customs checks the products that cross the border. The trading partners in this area are mainly NATO countries and [other] developed and democratic countries, such as Australia. The main principle according to which export licenses are granted was already formulated in the late 1950s, in the declaration of the Norwegian Parliament according to which it is forbidden to sell weapons or ammunition to areas that are at war, under threat of war, or in civil war. Beyond that, Norway is also subject to the International Arms Trade Control Treaty and EU guidelines." Although Norway is not an EU member, it has accepted the EU's guidelines in this field.

"Norway's defense and weapons industry doesn't have a huge effect on the national economy. Obviously, it's much less important than oil and gas in terms of Norway's gross domestic product. However," Marsh adds, "Norway doesn't produce much. For example, unlike Sweden, we don't have a large high-tech industry, so in terms of production and employment, [the defense] sector is important. There are two major companies, Nammo and Kongsberg, both partly owned by the Norwegian government."

What about Norwegian companies with subsidiaries in other countries? Are they subject to Norwegian law, or to the laws of the countries in which they manufacture the arms?

"When it comes to subsidiaries, things get complicated. Hypothetically, if a Norwegian company buys a company abroad, Norwegian regulations don't apply to it. It only applies to products that leave Norway. However, Norwegian export regulations can be applied if a product that is manufactured in, say, the United States, uses parts that were made in Norway or even uses software or technical plans [that] are Norwegian intellectual property."

When Norway exports arms, is it considered standard to demand an end-user certificate?

"Like other countries, Norway also uses end-user certificates, but more important are the conditions of sale documents. This is how companies define, among other things, who they allow their products to be sold to. It is not only a matter of maintaining human rights, it is also a commercial matter. But in the case of NATO countries, Norway has repeatedly made it clear that it does not request end-user certificates. This is a political statement and it has been repeated over the years.

"Thus, since Norway can sell to France, the United States, and the United Kingdom, for example, and since it does not require an end-user certificate from these countries that export to countries like Saudi Arabia, the situation is that the government can claim that there are no weapons in countries at war that have 'Made in Norway' on them, but It's certainly possible that there are weapons that have Norwegian parts or are produced by subsidiaries of Norwegian companies. It should be remembered that the arms industry is partially owned by the government, which has both an economic and a political interest here, so there is a balance between principled considerations and practical consideration," Marsh says.

"This has characterized Norway for a long time," Marsh adds, summing up what he calls Norway's dualistic nature. "The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded here and there is political emphasis on peace talks, diplomatic efforts, solidarity, and humanitarian activity. But on the other hand, Norway has been a NATO member from the very beginning, and since World War II it has a strong military which is part of a military alliance that opposes Russia. As a small country, its interest is to promote peace, but it has never been a pacifist country."

When Barth Eide is asked about the future of Israel-Norway relations, he says that although there are ups and downs, his country still formally has a central role in the region because it's the chair of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee, the body that coordinates international economic aid to the Palestinian Authority. Established in 1993, it has 16 members, led by Norway and sponsored by the United States and the European Union.

"After a cease-fire, this will again be the key body for discussing the coordination of donations to build the Palestinian Authority," Barth Eide says. "That is why we worked with the Israeli government to find a solution to the problem of the clearance revenues collected by Israel on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. This shows that we can still work with Israel and with Ramallah to solve problems." This is a reference to the temporary arrangement facilitated by Norway between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, in which Norway serves as an intermediary for the portion of tax and customs revenues that Israel has withheld since October 7.

In a broader context, Barth Eide still holds to the policy he held in the past. "I believe and have believed for many years that the best path to peace is an agreement with the Palestinians," he says, "not with Hamas, of course, but with the Palestinian Authority, with Fatah and the PLO. Israel will be more successful in its attempt to be both a state for Jews and a democratic state if it has a Palestinian state by its side. Everything we do on this issue is intended to end suffering but also to establish a Palestinian state that is run by a legitimate authority after an agreement. This is a goal that is good for both the Israelis and the Palestinians."

Follestad, the president of the Norwegian Israeli Chamber of Commerce, stresses that any boycott, including one only on Israeli products from the West Bank, would be primarily damaging to Norway's position as an honest broker. "Ever since the Oslo Accords were negotiated in our country, Norway has tried to be a mediator and bring the sides closer to peace," she says. "By boycotting Israeli products from the West Bank, which according to the Oslo Accords is still legally under Israeli jurisdiction, the Norwegian government, by not respecting the signed agreements, is itself violating the spirit of the Oslo Accords. Accordingly, Norway's opinion may no longer be respected by Israel, and Norway may become irrelevant as a mediator in the conflict."

Malmö Has Eurovision Fever. Its Jewish Community Is Feeling the Heat

A visit to Sweden's third-largest city a few weeks before it hosts the huge song competition reveals that preparations for putting the Palestinian cause on Europe's biggest stage are at a fever pitch. 'People I know are taking off kippot and necklaces with Stars of David in public'

published in Haaretz: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-03-24/ty-article-magazine/.premium/only-teardrops-malmo-has-the-eurovision-fever-its-jewish-community-is-feeling-the-heat/0000018e-708a-d8e8-a9de-7cbb53170000

MALMÖ, Sweden – On a wintry March day, Malmö gives the impression of a multifaceted port city. Fans of the crime series "The Bridge" are familiar with its architectural symbol, the long Oresund Bridge linking the city with Copenhagen in Denmark. But a visitor to Sweden's third-largest city can discover all kinds of architectural connections to historical and demographic processes.

Take the contrast between the medieval historic city center and the impressive modern port to its west, where shipyards and industrial zones have been replaced by luxury homes, with the Turning Torso skyscraper as the area's landmark – and the contrast with concrete apartment buildings constructed decades ago as part of the government's large public housing program, which have become home to immigrants.

In May, these areas will all be flooded with swarms of visitors to celebrate the 68th Eurovision Song Contest and shake off the remnants of the freezing winter. Patriotic groups will fill the 130-year-old Folkets Park, which will become the Eurovision Village. Members of the indefatigable Eurovision fan clubs will party at the EuroClub every night, and the residents will, of course, enjoy an economic and cultural boom.

Meanwhile, when asked what they think about the event, their answers sound like they're reading from a marketing pamphlet. They're pleased and are happy to welcome everyone. This answer echoes the city council's message and description of the event: "A lively celebration of openness and inclusion."

But in the two months before the Eurovision contest – which has become important to Israel after attempts to get it kicked out, as though an entire nation's honor rests on it– the city has been thronged with crowds of a completely different nature.

It began with celebrations in the city on the night of October 7, after the Hamas attack that saw civilians brutally massacred. Hundreds celebrated with music, dancing, and fireworks as convoys of honking cars passed by and people handed out candy. Since then, protests against Israel and its participation in Eurovision have not stopped in the city.

Midweek, Malmö's central Möllevången neighborhood, the focal point of the protests, is quiet. Around the neighborhood, which gentrification has changed from a working-class area to one characterized by hipsters, students, and multiculturalism, hang posters with slogans like "stop the genocide" and flyers calling for demonstrations. A supermarket shelf with avocados from Israel has a label with a Palestinian flag and the word "boycott."

A secondhand clothing store's display window has a big screen breaking down the number of dead in Gaza: how many children have died, how many people are wounded or buried underneath rubble, how many become orphans every day, how many mosques have been destroyed, how many medical workers have been arrested or killed. An Israeli flag appears next to each number, and postcards are available to send to the foreign ministers.

But weekends provide a much more dynamic picture. Protests with thousands of participants are regularly held here, with Palestinian flags and signs reading "free Palestine" and "end the Israeli occupation," speeches in which Israel is called a child murderer and don't mention the events of October 7, and catchy songs with choruses such as "Free Palestine – crush Zionism."

They do not appear to have lost their strength – unsurprisingly, given that Malmö, like nearby cities such as Helsingborgs and Landskrona, is the residence of tens of thousands of Palestinian immigrants. Some claim it's one of the most antisemitic cities in Europe. But anyone expecting to find only immigrants in the throngs of demonstrators will be disappointed. There are also Swedish retirees, activists from youth organizations, and young couples with strollers.

Mira Kelber

The Jewish community is unsettled by the protests. "Being a Jew in Malmö after October 7 is living in fear," says Mira Kelber, 24, who is chairwoman of the Malmö Jewish Youth organization. "I walk around with the thought that something might happen, and the only question is what will happen, to whom, and when."

There is no question that October 7 exacerbated the situation, and Eurovision provides a unique platform for protesting the war that followed the Hamas attack. But the Jewish community was already concerned about its safety beforehand, and you don't have to look at Eurovision for the start of Malmö's ties with the Palestinian cause.

If we were to search for a starting point, it might be found in the waves of immigration to the city in the late 20th century. By 2015, Malmö had become a major focal point of the refugee crisis in Europe. Since then, thousands of people have crossed the Oresund Bridge every day to seek asylum in Sweden. Today, people from over 180 countries live in the city. More than a third of its population of 362,000 was born outside the country. And in contrast to the rest of Sweden, half of the immigrants are below the age of 35.

Among the consequences of these demographic changes was an increase in antisemitism, most notably in demonstrations that have sometimes seen violent incidents. The list of such protests is long. In 2009, when Malmö hosted the Davis Cup tennis matches between Israel and Sweden, thousands of demonstrators gathered in the city. Several hundred extremists who were among them – Islamists, far-left activists, and neo-Nazis – rioted and clashed with police.

Over the years, other demonstrations have seen antisemitic chants that have been documented and discussed in the Swedish media. In 2017, the cry was "we're going to shoot the Jews," made at a demonstration against the relocation of the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. In 2019, it was young activists from the Social Democratic Party shouting "crush Zionism" at the May Day Parade. In 2020, it was "Khaybar, Khaybar, oh Jews, Mohammed's army will return," a reference to the victory of Mohammed's followers over the Jewish tribes in the seventh-century battle of Khaybar, an inspiration to modern Islamist fighters.

Meanwhile, Jews in the city have experienced violence. In 2009, Molotov cocktails were thrown at the city's Jewish funeral home. In 2010 and 2012, firecrackers were thrown outside the synagogue and Jewish community center, breaking windows. In the following years, several complaints have been filed of verbal and physical attacks and harassment, and the community's sense of security has been undermined.

A 2021 report by the municipality determined that the city's schools were an unsafe environment for Jewish students, who were encountering verbal and physical assault as teachers chose to avoid confronting the assailants. Media outlets have also reported that Holocaust survivors are no longer invited to tell their stories in some of the city's schools because Muslim students disrespect them.

"Those who are born Jewish in Malmö grow up with the feeling that they have to protect themselves," says Kelber. "I'm publicly known as a Jew, but people I know are taking off kippot and necklaces with Stars of David in public."

The uneasiness doesn't just stem from harassment and hate crimes. Some of the city's residents of Palestinian descent have been involved in terrorism. These include Osama Karim, a son of Palestinian immigrants who was caught in Belgium after participating in attacks in Brussels and France in 2015 and 2016 and traveling to Syria to join ISIS. There have also been Palestinian Swedish groups that have been found to have ties to terrorist organizations. One of them, Group 194, had longstanding ties with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which reportedly took part in the October 7 attack.

In May 2023, less than half a year before the slaughter in Israel's southern border communities, a large pan-European Palestinian conference was held in Malmö with the participation of Palestinian Dutch leader Amin Abu-Rashid, who has links to Hamas. The Social Democratic Party, which was scheduled to attend, canceled when it learned about his attendance. One member, Jamal al-Hajj, attended despite being forbidden from doing so.

Concerns for Malmö's Jewish community haven't been eased by the fact that he is still a member of parliament and that quite a few people in the Swedish political system, academy, and cultural world are affiliated with Hamas, directly or indirectly. The result is that the city's Jewish community is shrinking.

These events look like another chapter in a long story. The community was founded in 1871, mostly by immigrants from Germany and Poland. From the late 1800s to the 1920s, it expanded through large-scale immigration, driven by poverty, antisemitism, and pogroms, from Poland, Russia, Ukraine, and the Baltic states. With Hitler's rise to power, the community absorbed more refugees, mostly from Nazi Germany, greatly expanding its social activity.

In the autumn of 1943, during World War II, Denmark's Jews were successfully smuggled to Sweden over the Oresund Straits by the Danish resistance. The Nazi occupation government in Denmark turned a blind eye. Along with other Holocaust survivors, several hundred of these Jews settled in Malmö after the war and became pillars of the community. In the late 1960s, almost 3,000 Polish Jews fleeing antisemitic persecution arrived in Sweden, with some of them settling in the Malmö area. The community's size peaked at 3,000 people in the early 1970s. The city now has 1,500 Jews, of whom only 534 are active members of the community.

Roko Kursar, photo: Liberalerna

"The issue of antisemitism is a global problem and in Malmö we have been aware of the problem locally for a long time. That's why we've been working on combating antisemitism in a structural way for a long time," says Roko Kursar, one of Malmö's deputy mayors and a member of the city council from the Liberal Party. "Antisemitism in Malmö didn't start after October 7. … We have a collaboration and cooperation with the Jewish community: we have put in resources, formed a steering committee which forms an action plan for every year. We also want to strengthen Jewish life, Jewish identity and Jewish culture in our city, and this is a wide cooperation which has been going on for over four years, and last year we extended this for another four years."

Can you explain?

"For example, we have coordinators in our schools with the job to combat antisemitism… We have also allocated a couple of extra million euros for work on conflict and crisis management in our schools… The work that was put in before October is a basis to gear up and face the challenges, like members of the Jewish community feeling insecure. The solidarity with the Jewish community in Malmö is widespread. We've had 'kippah marches'" – joint marches by Jewish community leaders and national or local political leaders in which they wear kippahs, held in Stockholm and Malmö since October 7 – "and we've had manifestations of solidarity from all sides of the political spectrum joined by citizens showing solidarity with our Jewish brothers and sisters. … Malmö is a very international and multicultural city. … That means we have backgrounds and ethnicities from all over the world, including places which are conflict-torn and war-torn, and many citizens of Malmö are affected by this. We have to always continue the work and be prepared to gear it up."

It may be time to speed things up. "There is fear within the Jewish community these days, especially when it comes to schoolchildren," says Fredrik Sieradzki, spokesman for the local Jewish community and director of the synagogue's Jewish learning center, which teaches locals and visitors about the community. "People are reluctant to say that they are Jewish, and some hide Jewish signs in public. All this isn't new, but it's much worse now. There is a strong sense of being alone. We have wide social circles, but a lot of people have the feeling that many in their social circles are turning against them. There's a lot of unfriending on social media, friends share antisemitic propaganda and so on. This has been a shock for many."

Fredrik Sieradzki, spokesman for the local Jewish community and director of the synagogue's Jewish learning center.
Fredrik Sieradzki, Malmö Jewish community spokesman and director of synagogue's learning center

Kelber describes similar feelings. "When we recently had a Shabbat dinner at the synagogue, people told me that they were afraid to even be near the synagogue." She says that every time she looks at her phone, she encounters antisemitism. "An Instagram account we opened under the name Proud Jew, for example, is filled with pig emojis and videos from Gaza with the question, 'Are you proud of this?' People do not distinguish between Israel and Jews and there are many influencers and celebrities who publish terrible things."

One of the examples Kelber is referring to is Stina Wollter, a highly prominent Swedish artist, radio host, and activist. Wollter wrote on her Instagram account, which has over 300,000 followers, that the Swedish media was not telling the truth about the conflict in Gaza and was ignoring the "fact" that Israel steals organs from dead Palestinians, that Israel lied about rapes and babies being beheaded on October 7, that Israel killed its own citizens by shooting at them from helicopters at the Nova music festival, and more. "We read in the newspaper about swastikas graffiti and attacks on Jews, a few days after October 7, Hamas published a call to attack Jews in the world, and many students simply did not go to university that day. There is always the fear – when will this happen to me," Kelber says.

The controversy surrounding Israel's participation in Eurovision, and then around the first version of its entry for this year's contest, "October Rain" – which, very symbolically, turned into "Hurricane" – certainly did little to allay the fears. "We are aware … that there are risks and security needs and restrictions here. Still, Malmö is a city that should be able to host everyone, including Israelis, so I hope the city will step up," Sieradzki says. "It's reassuring that the city is investing many resources in the event which is important to us all."

Kelber is less official sounding. "When Sweden won last time and when we heard that the Eurovision would be held in Malmö, we were very happy. I love the Eurovision and I would really like to be part of the party. But after October, I'm not ready to risk it. I won't participate" in the celebrations surrounding the event, she says, adding that her friends are also afraid. "We always doubt, and I don't feel like I want to risk myself for the Eurovision. In the past I was optimistic about a Jewish future in Malmö, I thought there were much worse places. But now, unfortunately, I'm not sure I can be optimistic. … [Eurovision is] supposed to be an event of joy and love, but for us it's about fear."

Do you have a message for [Israel's Eurovision entry] Eden Golan and the Israeli delegation?

"Yes, stay safe."

This is far from Malmös first encounter with Eurovision. It was the host city in both 1992 and 2013. "When we had all the options on the table, we conducted a thorough assessment considering many factors. And this time, once again, all the pieces fell into place in Malmö," Ebba Adielsson, the executive producer of Eurovision 2024, says. The city, she says, has the necessary "infrastructure, new meeting places and one of Sweden's best arenas. … In Malmö there is also a great commitment and a great deal of experience in hosting Eurovision."

Has the Swedish production team discussed the fact that there are large Palestinian protests on a regular basis in Malmö and that these may affect the event?

"We understand and are aware that people are making their voices heard on this issue and we are prepared for protests that may occur in connection with the event," Adielsson says.

Despite these assurances, Kelber says she was relieved when news emerged that Israel might not participate this year. Not everyone is happy that Israel is still set to do so. A group of residents has filed a motion asking the city to disqualify the Israeli delegation, which will most likely be debated in April. The Left Party is the only one in the city council that is expected to support the proposal, whose value is mainly symbolic in any case. The city has no authority to act on the matter beyond contacting the European Broadcasting Union.

Nina Jakku is a Left Party member of the Malmö City Council and the party's political secretary in the city. She says that the motion is a citizens' initiative, not a political one. We speak in her office, which is decorated with a large picture of Karl Marx and posters of Palestinian flags and slogans. "The Left Party supports the initiative by saying that it would be a good statement from the city of Malmö to say we don't wish for Israel to participate in the Eurovision."

Why shouldn't Israel participate, actually?

"It's about the situation in Gaza. The International Court of Justice is asking Israel to take immediate and effective measures to prevent a genocide and Israel has not even taken the bare minimum. Perhaps it has even done the opposite. The question should be how can we go on with business as usual."

Assuming that Eurovision does go on as usual, what are the Left Party and related movements planning to do as a protest during the song contest in May?

"The city of Malmö can't make a decision not to allow Israel's participation, but … there is a broad movement which is planning demonstration, a boycott campaign, and other protest events which in a sense have already started. We are part of that in the broader context," Jakku says.

That broad movement seems to be gaining momentum. Over 1,000 Swedish musical acts, including Robyn, Fever Ray, the folk duo First Aid Kit, and some of the singers who participated in Melodifestivalen (the competition that determines Sweden's Eurovision entry) signed an open letter demanding that Israel be barred from this year's competition over its "brutal" war in Gaza.

The letter, which was published in the Aftonbladet daily in January, states: "We believe that by allowing Israel's participation, the European Broadcasting Union is exhibiting a remarkable double standard that undermines the organization's credibility. … The fact that countries that place themselves above humanitarian law are welcomed to participate in international cultural events trivializes violations of international law and makes the suffering of the victims invisible."

From the Malmö.for.Palestine Instegram account

The musicians are hardly alone. Many social media groups are calling for a boycott of Israel and protests against its participation. One of them, Malmö for Palestine, is calling for weekly demonstrations outside city hall. In a message posted on Instagram, an illustration of an Israeli soldier with a microphone and a cable made of razor wire appears next to the slogans "remove Israel from Eurovision" and "stop the genocide in Gaza." The soldier is standing at the entrance to the Eurovision stage door, and his gun drips blood onto a large puddle that has already accumulated beneath him.

Nina Jakku's colleague at the city council, Anfal Mahdi, has also called for Israel's disqualification. "Belarus got a 'No' in 2021, Russia got a 'No' in 2022, Israel can also get a 'No' in 2024," she wrote on her Instagram account. "We've all seen how Israel starves and bombs Gaza. Children undergo amputations without anesthesia, the health services are bombed and smashed to pieces. There is no water, no food and no electricity for the residents of Gaza. Malmö should not celebrate with terrorist states." In a different post, Mahdi added: "Being political for Ukraine but not for Palestine is pure racism."

"I think there is no reason to compare wars or occupations, they are all horrific, wherever they are," Jakku says when asked about the comparison of Israel to Russia regarding Eurovision. "Still, the decision not to allow Russia to participate was correct and it would be correct not to allow Israel to participate too. In that sense it is comparable."

Do you take into account the effect of the demonstrations on members of the Jewish community in Malmö? Are you aware of the claim that the pro-Palestinian demonstrations in the city include antisemitic content?"

"I hope everyone will be safe to visit anywhere they want to in Malmö . I do agree that there is a big concern when it comes to antisemitism in Malmö . Every antiracist should be concerned about that situation. But I have been participating in massive protests in Malmö almost every week since October and in these demonstrations, there are no signs or slogans that can be classified as antisemitic. The protests are against war crimes, about genocide and what's happening in Gaza. They're asking for a cease-fire and raising concerns about the violence and killing of civilians. Antisemitism in Malmö and the protests against Israel, of which [the latter] are totally legitimate, are two entirely different things," Jakku says.

Nina Jakku, photo: Emmalisa Pauli

What about the burning of the Israeli flag outside the synagogue and the spontaneous demonstrations on the evening of October 7 that praised the massacre and Hamas?

"There have been some protests that have been totally unacceptable. But if you look at the total amount of people and demonstrations, the flag-burning was just one occasion, with only a couple of people involved. There have been some other occasions that can be seen as inappropriate, but we have taken part in protests against burning the flag and we have to be able to hold two thoughts in our head at the same time," she says – that is, to support the protests against Israel while also ensuring nothing inappropriate happens.

Doesn't excluding singers, dancers, and those who love Israeli music hurt precisely Israelis who are open to criticism and destroy the chances for dialogue?

"The question implies that there are two equal parts that can engage in a dialogue; that there's a possibility of a dialogue. But as far as I can see, that's not the case in the past 75 years. What we have is a military occupation that is using massive violence, and the people of Gaza don't have the possibility of dialogue with those who oppress them. The boycott is a possibility for the rest of the world to put pressure on Israel and we need to use it. As I understand, there are also some Israeli organizations calling for a boycott. The boycott isn't against an individual. It's the State of Israel that's the target."

The situation, certainly since October 7, is not a situation where one side is strong, conquering, and oppressive. There are victims on both sides. Israel has more than 1,000 civilian victims, including more than 200 hostages, some of whom are still in Gaza. Isn't your protest one-sided?

"The massacres in Gaza are going on now, and that is what we're trying to stop. I'm not questioning feelings or other victims, it's not my place to do so, but the people in Gaza are starving, tens of thousands have been murdered in five months, the International Court of Justice has called to prevent a genocide and other organizations are talking about war crimes which are going on. Unfortunately, we can't change what happened on October 7, but nothing justifies business as usual, as the Israeli bombs are killing civilians in Gaza month after month."

It has been reported that the Left Party's foreign aid organization, Left International Forum, has for years, via its Danish partners, cooperated with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. It is also known that the party had tight connections with Group 194 and similar organizations that, according to many reports in Swedish media outlets, also supported the DFLP, spread antisemitic propaganda, and supported armed resistance against Israel. In light of the current war, does the party still support these partners and their messages, or has the party changed its policy on this?

"Regarding [Left International Forum], their statement has been that they take responsibility and their task now is to make sure that something like this never happens again in our organization. When it comes to the other groups, I don't have any further information."

What is almost certain to happen, as Jakku says, is protests against Israel being part of Eurovision. Other Palestinian solidarity organizations in Malmö didn't respond to inquiries from Haaretz, but they are presumably planning major protest activity in the city during the song contest in May. Are measures being taken to prevent attempts to use the live broadcast as a platform for political protest, perhaps by planting large numbers of political activists in the audience with propaganda items like signs and flags to wave before the cameras?

"One of Eurovision's fundamental values is to be a nonpolitical event where everyone is united through music," says Adielsson, the song contest's executive producer this year. "[W]e always go through potential/prospective and conceivable scenarios and … take measures to avoid political expressions during the live broadcasts."

Were the musicians and members of the delegations told that they are not allowed to express political opinions before, during, and after the show, as the competition rules state?

"The European Broadcasting Union is responsible for the rules regarding the Eurovision Song Contest, [which] state that it is a nonpolitical event. For further information or questions on the topic, please contact the [union]."

City officials were similarly cautious and terse in their responses. "I heard that the Eurovision is the second largest TV show in the world after the Super Bowl, so obviously having it here in Malmö is important to us," says Kursar, a deputy member and council member. "But it's not the first time this is happening; we had the Eurovision in Malmö in the early 1990s and again in 2013. From the city's perspective, it's a very important event. … We're looking forward to having an inclusive, welcoming, and sustainable song contest," Kursar says.

I understand that despite the inclusive competition, less inclusive demonstrations are expected surrounding it. Let's say anti-Israeli protests with extreme expressions of antisemitism.

"[W]e have freedom of speech and freedom of protest in Sweden, and this is a question for the police to answer and decide on. The police are responsible for questions regarding public order, and we have a very good dialogue with the police."

Overall, the city government puts forward a united front of full trust in the police. It's a matter for the police, the city's director of safety and security, Per-Erik Ebbestahl, concurs. In any case, he adds, officials aren't aware of any concrete threats.

The police have ways to avoid eroding Jewish audiences' sense of security, such as refusing to approve a protest location or changing it, Ebbestahl says. He says the city is responsible for security at the events in which it is the main organizer and that there is no upper limit to the budget put into it.

Nevertheless, on the Israeli side, no one is taking chances. Although things are still under review, says a person familiar with the country's preparations for Eurovision, there will clearly be very stringent restrictions on the delegation, and it will be absent from events that other delegations attend, such as media appearances, public relations events, and parties.

It is Israel's ambassador to Sweden, Ziv Nevo Kulman, who sees less reason for anxiety. He says that despite Malmö's image as a place that is hostile and dangerous for Israelis, he knows another side of the city. "I was in Malmö during the 2021 Malmö International Forum on Holocaust Remembrance and Combating Antisemitism," Nevo Kulman says, "and I saw how this city knows how to deal with major international events. Not all of Malmö is against us, and not all of Sweden is against us.

"It is true that [Eurovision] is a complex event in which there can be provocations, protests and demonstrations, but I trust the Swedish authorities to take the challenges seriously and those responsible for the competition itself and the members of the delegations to ensure that the rules of the competition are respected and that no politics are brought into it. So, on the one hand, it may well be that Israelis, Jews, or members of the LGBT community, who usually support Israeli music, will not feel comfortable walking around Malmö with Israeli flags. But from what I hear, the Swedes are opposed to ostracism and only on the extreme left are there calls against Israel, for populist reasons. Most of the Swedes I've spoken to said they are against mixing politics and music and that they are happy that Israel is participating."

In general, says Nevo Kulman, a die-hard Eurovision fan and Israel's official representative, if it weren't for the political issue, he has no doubt that Israel would reach a respectable place in the final contest. "The song is excellent, Eden is amazing, and the performance is great," he says.

Are you willing to bet on Israel's final position?

"Let's wait and see."

Top Members of Far-right Swedish Party With neo-Nazi Roots Meet Israeli Minister in Knesset

Israel has so far refrained from engaging with the Swedish Democrats amid antisemitic and Islamophobic sentiments expressed by members. Party members told Haaretz that they met with several ministers during their visit but refused to disclose their names.

Published in Haaretz (with Jonathan Lis and Noa Shpigel): https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-01-29/ty-article/.premium/top-members-of-far-right-swedish-party-with-neo-nazi-roots-meet-israeli-minister/0000018d-564e-d0fc-a9bd-5e5f9ff00000

A delegation of senior members from the far-right party in Sweden, the Swedish Democrats, arrived in Israel on an unofficial visit and met on Monday with Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli in the Knesset.

The party, currently the second-largest in the Swedish parliament, has roots in neo-Nazi and antisemitic ideologies. It is one of several European parties with which Israel has refrained from establishing official ties.

The delegation has visited Yad Vashem, one of the crossings connecting Israel to the West Bank, and the Old City in Jerusalem. Yad Vashem Museum has emphasized that the delegation members registered for a regular guided tour at the site, like any other tourists, and did not have an official visit within the compound.

Officials in Sweden following the party suggest that the visit is part of its attempt to whitewash its antisemitic and racist positions by presenting itself as a friend of Israel. In a post on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter), the party leader, Jimmie Akesson, wrote: "It is clear that our parties and our nations share common values," accompanied by a photo of himself with Minister Chikli.

Party members told Haaretz that they met with several ministers during their visit but refused to disclose their names.

Israel has so far refrained from engaging with the Swedish Democrats not only due to their neo-Nazi roots but also because members of the party have disseminated conspiracy theories and expressed racist, antisemitic, and Islamophobic sentiments in recent years.

Israel's Ambassador to Stockholm, Ziv Nevo Kulman, even declared that Israel does not maintain and will not establish future relations with the party. The Israeli foreign ministry, which was not involved in coordinating the visit, clarified on Monday that "there is no change in policy towards the party."

Among the delegation members who visited the Knesset were party leader Akesson, the chairman of the Swedish parliament's foreign affairs committee, Aron Emilsson, the head of the party's parliamentary group, Linda Lindberg, and the head of the party's group in the European Parliament, Charlie Weimers.

Weimers is one of the party's top members who already visited Israel in May of last year. During the previous visit, it was reported that party leaders met with Knesset member Amit Halevi from Likud and former Knesset member Michael Kleiner, who now serves as the president of the Likud's court.

Though part of the Swedish political establishment today, the Sweden Democrats do indeed have roots in Nazism. Some of the party's founders were known Nazis, such as its first auditor, Gustaf Ekström, who was a Waffen-SS veteran.

The party's first spokesperson Leif Ericsson and its first chairman Anders Klarström were both active in various neo-Nazi and extremist right-wing parties, and the chairman of the party's youth organization, Robert Vesterlund, was also a known neo-Nazi. During the 80's and 90's, the party was a marginal force in Swedish politics, and it began distancing itself from extremism and aligning itself closer to mainstream politics in the mid 90's.

The party entered the Swedish parliament for the first time in 2010, and in the elections held a year and a half ago, it received over 20% of the votes. Until a few years ago, the party was ostracized by parties across the political spectrum in Sweden and was not considered for inclusion in any coalition.

However, due to a change in approach by two traditional right-wing parties, the Swedish Democrats became an integral part of the right-wing bloc after the elections, with the government in Stockholm entirely dependent on their support. Party members wield significant influence over the government's policies and hold key positions in parliamentary committees, including foreign affairs, justice, and industry and trade.

In recent months, the party has been attempting to position itself as "the most pro-Israel party in Sweden" and distance itself from its antiemetic and neo-Nazi past. However, in 2021, the Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet revealed that the party leader in the second-largest city council in Sweden, Gothenburg, Jörgen Fogelklou, had posted antisemitic and racist statements on social media, such as "It is clear that the Jews are the root of all evil in the world."

Two years ago, it was exposed that some party members had connections with neo-Nazi movements even in recent years. For instance, one party member in southern Sweden, Jonas Lingren, publicly supported rock bands advocating for "white supremacy" and used the slogan "Skinhead 88" (88 is a known code for Heil Hitler, i.e., HH).